The Rebel (1895-1896)/01/02

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Vol. 01 October 20, 1895 — pdf. No. 02


11th of November

Memorial Meeting, under the Auspices of THE REBEL Group, will take place on Sunday, November the 17th, 1895, at 8 P. M., in Caledonia Hall. 45 Eliot Street. Speakers: Miss Voltairine de Cleyre of Philadelphia, and H. M. Kelly.

To defray expenses an Admisssion of 10 Cents will be charged.

The International Congress, by J. H. Edelmann

Shall the American w:orkingmen, who hold anarchistic opinions, be represented in the next international congress at London?

Evidently the Social-Democratic promoters of the congress do not intend that they shall. They have given notice, that only those delegates who believe in political action will be welcome. If we can be certain of anything in the future we can rely upon the Social-Democratic majority to expel any Anarchist, who raises his voice even though one should succeed in passing the committee on credentials. The real question, therefore, is shall we send delegates to London knowing beforehand that they will not be admitted to the Congress. It is urged by our London comrades that by so doing we could eventually compel the Social-Democrats to drop their pretensions to being the sole representatives of the revolutionary work-ingmen throughout the world, force them in short, to call their "Congress" by its true name—a Socialist Congress. Granting for a moment that we could do this, would it be worth while? To me the game does not seem worth the candle. The Social-Democrats are not such important people as we are apt to imagine and their "Congress" is attractive to us, I fancy, chiefly because we are not wanted in it. [ Full article. ]

The New Era, by Peter Kropotkin

It has been discovered that the vast space beyond these planets and suns is peopled by others extremely minute—small masses of matter these, which circulate in every sense, having each their own distinct life, and whose effects, infinitesimal as they respectively may be, are yet so immense when taken together that they completely modify the force of the giants placed in the centre of the system. Kant and Laplace derived the planets from one central mass. To-day we displace the centre of gravity. The central mass or agglomeration, is itself but the result of the action of these infinitely small molecules of matter, and it is these little Pariahs who build up the planets, who retain the heat in the sun, who by their rapid revolutions maintain the life of the whole. One step further, and attraction itself, which has (contrary to Newton) been placed in the centre of our radiant sun, becomes but the result of the movements of molecules—of the infinitely small. [ Full article. ]

America's Flag, by Edward O'Donnell

Hurrah for the rights we have had and have not!
Hurrah for the heroes thro' whom they were got;
Hurrah for their ashes that helped to cement.
And over ruled people without their consent.
Hurrah, boys hurrah, pray, what else may we brag?
Why the glorious, resplendent American Flag!

Hurrah for the mill slaves compelled to compete
With the lightning's mad bolts as before them they beat,
Hurrah for the stomachs half empty and faint
Which perish contented, nor strike 'gainst restraint,
But cling with affectionate tears despite "gag"
To our glorious, resplendent American Flag!

Hurrah for the thousands entombed in our mines,
With death ever fighting, while hope seldom shines,
And hurrah for the cheerless ones gathered at home,
When the mother 'mid sobs whispers—"father wont come,"
Then hurrah for the baron in mellow punch "jag,"
Who seeks night's repose in America's Flag.

Hurrah for the millions of promising lives,
Shut up for scant wage in our mercantile hives,
With honor imperilled, which soon must succumb,
Selecting its place in the dive or the tomb,
Or live on in shame 'till time wrinkles the hag, A
nd adds one more star to America's Flag!

Ah, yes; we have stars set in mock-Heaven blue
And we've stripes neatly traced to enliven them, too;
And we're told equal rights by each stripe and each star,
To the nation-the people-insured and upheld are,
While the millions whose lives still thro' poverty drag,
Look up with delight at America's Flag.

The Ruling Class in Italy, by Pietro Gori

(Open Letter to the American Comrades.)

You ask me to tell you all about Italy, but you cannot imagine what an enormous task it is to examine even superficially the conditions prevailing in that beautiful yet unfortunate country.

It is not so many years ago when Wm. E. Gladstone, witnessing the infamous spectacle then presented by the tyrant Bourbons in the kingdom of Naples, summed up the indignation of his soul in a memorable letter, which created great excitement in all Europe, and concluded by styling that government: "The Negation of God." If another Gladstone, with eyes wide open across the horizon of the future, was to visit Italy nowadays, and wished to sum up just in one sentence the sense of horror provoked by the ruling class over there, personified by Francis Crispi, thief and tyrant, I cannot tell what kind of negation he could find that would tally with the skepticism of the times, and with the frightful ugliness of the picture. [ Full article. ]

IN THIS country the people govern themselves. Politicians are merely the servants of the people, and elected officers merely carry out the will of the people. Only an Anarchist could doubt that. But in New York the recent Republican convention was Platt's convention, Platt's men were in complete eontrol and earried out the schemes of the "Boss" without opposition. In Pennsylvania Boss Quay was equally successful, and in Maryland, Boss Gorman has resumed complete control of the party-machinery. Now who controls Quay, Gorman, and Platt?

“THE REBEL” A MONTHLY JOURNAL OF ANARcHIST-COMMUNTSM. Issued by the “REBEL” Group. Six Mouths, 25 cents. Terms for Advertisements by special arrangement with H. M. KELLY, Manager. All Mouey Orders to he made payable to H. M. KELLY, G. P. 0., Boston, Mass. All Literary Communications to he addressed to the Editor, C. W. MOWBRAY. Printed and published by H. M. Kelly and H. A. Koch. Entered at the Boston Post Office as secoud class mail matter. BOSTON, MAsS., OCTOBER 20, 1895. Yearly Subscription 50 cents. Single Copy. cents.


ANAEUIIT5’r-CoMMUNISM is, I suppose, of foreign origin. Neither Bakounine, Kropotkine, Rechis or John Most were born junler the starry banner ; still, in spite of Mr. Pomeroy of Chicago, Anarchist-Coininunisni is spreading among Americans. As a matter of fact, it has found its way into the sacred ranks of the U. S. army, and I know of at least one native kincrican who is spreading the doctrines among the rank and file, with true American energy aiid tact. On the Pacific Coast, too, there are Anarchists from Los Angeles to Portlaml. In the latter city they are very much in evidence as the Fim-tEnRaNu well attests, and what is more the Firebrand group are nearly all American born, and have not imported either their doctrines or their zeal in spreading them. From Iowa, too, I have most cheering news. There are American born Anarchists in Iowa, and they have even gone so far as to form a colony about which I hope soon to have an acconnt for the REBEL.

  • *

THE STRIKE of the Iron workers in the Oliver works at Pittsburg is “off”. The men have given 14) all their demnands and beg only to be taken back on any terms. Poor devils, I can sympathize with them.

  • *

A FEW years ago the Rnssian Jews were the white coolies of New York. They worked at starvation wages in the various branches of the ready-made clothing trade. Since then they have organized and struck for higher wages and decent conditions again and again, and they won their strikes, too, until now they have wages and conditions of work that are snperior to those of many American workingmen.

  • * *

THE sTRIKING Iron miners of Ishpening, Mich., have been starved and bulldozed into submission. They have declared the strike off, But the troops will not be withdrawn at present, to quote from a press dispatch. Well, the American workingnian is a practical man, and refuses to learn from theorists, but then it ninst be said that the American plutocrat is giving him some very practical schooling. Perhaps some day he will graduate. J. H. E.

ANARcH0PII0BJA is a disease confined not to our ruling classes alone, but, as past experience has snffieiently proven, to onr step-brethren, the State-Socialists, as well. The afternoon of Sunday, Sept. 27, had been announced to he utilized by the several social dissenters of local fame in behalf of the laudation and free prescription of the various panaceas they promulgate as a cure for the ills of our time. Among the Single Tax, People’s Party policy, Prohibition mnzzle, etc., a few meetings of the Social Democrats were to take place, too. Sonic of onr comrades deeming the opportunity a favorable one laid in a supply of several hundred copies of the new comer, the REBEL, and directed their steps towards the gathering-place, the Common. Hardly had our comrades displayed the jonrnal than the eyes of the literature-venders of the S. L. P. sparkled feverishly, and it did not take very long before the principal man made his claims loud to “having the monopoly” to sell their literatnre at those meetings. Our friends scattered themselves on the grounds and tapped the crowds of the various “gospels”, “christian” not excluded, placing here and there a copy into the hands of the curious, meeting with no protesrs from the side of the arrangers of those mneetings, until, yes, until—the official organizer of that “only”, party dealing in “Scientific Socialism”, one named Squire Putney, caine np to one of our comrades and warned himn not to fall into trouble. The warning being half a threat and half a protest against interfering with the sale of their literature, our friend inquired whence that trouble was to come, from the side of Mr. Putney or the police ? at which no direct response followed. About an hour passed and nothing nnusual occurred. 411 of a sudden our comrades with bundles of the “REBEl” in their hands were surreptitiously approached and surrounded by s ix policemen, headed by a sergeant, who in the bulldozing manner familiar to individuals of their species, aspired to ascertain the aim of their presence at that meeting with that dreadful journal. The reply was : “to secure subscribers”. “Well”, argued the bhiecoats, “this is equal to trying to sell that paper and involves a breaking of the law”, etc. After taking the names of the tivo comrades and warning them to never show np again on the Conimon with that sheet the bluecoats watched the departure of our friends. From the questions made by the representatives of the law, and the fact of their presence in such nnm hers it plainly appeared that Mr. Pntney played somnetlung of the informer which talent is certainly to be expected in one who is nominated by his party for the office of Atty. General of the State of Massachnsetts. For a beginner it’s a pretty fair start, and we congratulate the S. L. P. upon the character of their candidate.

  • *

Comrade Mowbray’s recent visit to Clncago has stirred np the animals, like unto the old times of 1886 and the two or three succeeding years, when said animals bled the frightened capitalists out of a goodly number of their snperflous dollars by “finding” bombs in ash boxes and other innocent places. The animals began to frisk about in real agile fashion. They declared: “This Anarchist Mowbray is coming to Chicago to make trouble; to preach anarchy”, etc. The animals thought they saw a chance to bleed a few more dollars from the capitalists. Preparatory to this, how- ever, they hung out their breath for an airing, got the bloom out of their noses (as well as they could), read up on the best method of taking the bluIT out of their eyes and steadying the step; this done, the animals put themselves much in evidence. They cleaned the canker from their brass buttons, brushed the dust from their uniforms, tried their clubs over lamp-posts and innoeent peolJle's heads, and finally declared there "was going to be no red flag anarchy nonsense preached in Chicago". Nothing was left untried to prevent Mowbray from reaching the people. At the first meeting which he addressed the animals were omnipresent. They were upon the platform, spread out all over the park and loaded into patrol wagons half a block away. Comrade Mowbray's address was delivered in such a dignified, clear and logieal manner that the animals became desperate, and as they saw our comrade was nearing his eonelusion, they laid violent hands upon him, and but for rare presence of mind displayed. by Mowbray, they would have arrested awl dragged him off to prison, and the animals would have had another opportunity to have posed as "saviors of society". Notwithstandiug all the lies of the police foree and the capitalist press, Mowbray's meetings were a success and his trip to this city will be of lasting benefit.

'Times are hard", work hard to find and wages low

for the slaves of this city. L. E. P.

A Voice from Texas, by Ross Winn

Once more we reach the anniversary of the martyrdom of Albert Parsons, Louis Lingg, George Engel, Adolph ]'is her, and August Spies. Though dead, their silence is today more powerful than the voices strangled November 11th, 1887. By the murder of these five leaders of the people, the plutocrats thought to ensure their safety; instead they dug their grave. The world is gradually leaming the true history and signifieance of this crime of crimes. Even now the boastful assertion of the daily press, that "Anarchy is dead" is heard no more. Instead comes the cry for relJression to curb its rapid spread! All the powers of govemmental despotism are to be invoked. Fools! Did they think they could annihilate principles by strangling the mcn who advocated them? Did not Parsons tell them: "Men die, but principles live" ?

Let us remember the Eleventh of November, and forget not the brave souls who, on this day, sealed with their lives the devotion to the grand principles of human freedom. These men were martyrs. They died because they preached a better eondition for humanity. They were foully murdered by the ruling classes-because they dared to oppose the infamous gang of thieves who live upon the industry of the toiling millions-the working bees of the human hive. Their lilJs are forever closed. Hushed are their voices in the etemal silence of the grave, but the grand principles they taught, the great truths they told, still live. Amid the silence and solitude of the earth they sleep the sleep that knows no awakening. But the voices that were strangled that day of martyrdom have worked a revolution whieh nothing can successfully oppose. Their death was the real beginning of the Anarchist propaganda in America. And on this day were born immortal souls that will lead the van of human progress down the corridors of the future, until their monument will rise in the realisation of the principles for which they died. Dallas, Tex. Ross W1NN.

A Piece of History, by L. E. Parsons

Among all the nations, thc United States alOlw has passed the opportunity for developing a n'presentative forlll of government. Separated as it is by two vast Oeeans, eomparatively secure from s1ll1lhm invasion, tIw capacity for repub1il~angovernment to minister to the welfare, peaee and happiness of its eitizens has been fairly tested. Free government, a free peOpll), was tlw talismanic clmrm which caused tbe immigTant to abandon the old world and lmsten to the new, insl,arch of h:tppilwss under "Free" governlllent. Let the bistory of tlw !:Lst bundre(l years, wbich forIlls the reconl from whicb the living present learns its lesson of the past, sbow how far has this dnmm been realized? Ll)t the prophecy of Lon] l\l:w:wley answer. In May, 1857, he wrote: "As long as you (Amerieans) have a boundless extent of fertile awl unoeenpied land, your laboring POIJlllation will be fa,r more at ease than the laboring popul:ttion of the old world, and while that is the case the Jdfersonian polities may eontinue to exist without causing :lllY fatal c:tlamity. But the time will come when New England will be as thickly populaterl as old England, wages will be low, and will fluduate with you as well as with us. You will have your Manchesters and Birminghams and hundreds of thous:LlHls of artisans will assuredly be sometimes out of work. Then your institutions will be fairly brought to the test. Distress ev(']'ywhere makes the laborer mutinous and diseontlmted.ti-t The day will corne whcn in the state of New York there will be a multitude of people, none of whom have not had more than half a breakfast, or expeets to have more tlmn half a dinner. t t t What is the workingman likely to do when he hears his children cry for bread'!" Alas, for the laborer, the (lay lJas come; the propheey has proven true! What was this ".Teffersonian polities '? It was sounded in the Declaration of IndqleIHlell(:e, (,} efferson bei ng the author) as the inalienable rights of man, but this highsounding assertion was soon nltllificd in the "Star Chamber" debates which followed bdween the AWLl'{:hists l'ailH\ Jefferson and others upon the (llwstion of slavery, anI] John Adams' defiuition of what cOllstituted slavery adopted. He said: "\Vhat matters it wlwtlwr you g-i ve the foo(l and clothes direct to the slave, or whetllPr you just give him enough in wages to purchase the same '/ It was here the rights of property triumphed, aIHI tlw rights of man were lost sight of. 'lYe still had politic:L1, but not eeonomie rights. This was beeause the United States government, in common with all other goverllln('Ilts, rests upon the wage-system of labor. And the propertyless elass-the wage-earners-are compelled by eompetition to sell their labor--themselves--to the lowest lJillder, 01' starve. Is it not clear then, that, "the best government that the sun ever shone upon", does just what all the other governments have done, simply rob its subjects. Paine was correet when he said in his "Rights of Man" : "It is a perversion of terms to say that a charter [governmentJ gives rights; its eft'ed is to the contrary-that of taking rights away. 11ights are inherent in all the inhabitants, but charters, by annulling those rights ill the majority, leave the rights by exe1usion in the hands of the few." The great struggle of this age i:J to be between the governing few and the governed many. The billows of (liscontent will roll up from among the masses, the ruling elass will attempt to drive them back in a sea of blooll, but the pages of history S~lOw how futile has ever been this attem pt, when those billows were along the lines of evolution. The people will yet learn to look away from government for relief; then they will have severed the last chain which binds them to a dark past.


Chicago, October.

A Lesson to Socialists (London "Freedom")

Disaster has overtaken the Liberals; their majority has disappeared; their administration has been condemned by the merciless vote of the electors. The different sections of the party are occupied in picking holes in each other; but for us their dissensions have little interest. \Vhat we care to do is to make clear to ourselves the causes which have contributed to the fall of this progressive and reforming government. How comes it that what legalist Socialists call "the national opinion" should reject a government whose measures were such as the Home Rule Bill, Eight Hours Bill, Parish Councils Act, Factory and \VorkshopsBill, and many projects of a kindred nature, to say nothing of the "Democratic Budget" of rHy!? And for whose benefit? For the benefit of a coalition of the upholders of the divine and hereditary legislative rights of the House of I-;ords, of coercion in Ireland, the hoodwinking of the people by clerical instruction, and their degradation by the enlarged privileges of capitalism and exploitation! Certainly, from our point of view, all these Liberal measures were but ,;,ul)erncial palliative,;,. As Anarchists and Communists, it is not what is generally called "Home Rule" that we desire, but the complete self~govenl1nent of every Irishman in an equal and Communistic society. It is no eight hours of slavish labor that we desire for the toiler, but the right of each to work at his own pleasure and for himself, his family, his friends, his neighbors; for a free, 'united, and Communistic mankind. From our point of view, the l(iberal measures were means whereby the people might have been turned out of the direct road towards social and economic freedom. But it must, in justice, be recognised that the Liberal government was putting in practice what the Social Democrats of all Europe are preaching to the people as "Socialistic reforms." More than that: the English Liberals, with their Home Rule and federalist ideas, are in advance of the representatives of "Scientific Socialism," who declare themselves for an absolutely centralized State (Liebknecht and the "Communist Manifesto" of r848)-for a State where the minority will be forced to submit or leave the country; where the worker will have less liberty of choice in his work than in our days of capitalist exploitation (Kautsky, "Erfurt programme"); where rebels will be deprived of daily bread (Bebel); where, in a word, the minority will be treated as they were at the Zurich Congress of r893. Yes, the English Liberals have gone ahead of the Social Democrats. And yet this Liberal government has experienced an overwhelming defeat at the elections. Are the people disgusted with it, or are there other causes for its condemnation? It seems as if the successors and fonner colleagues of Mr. Gladstone have threatened too many vested interests at once, too many stupid prejudices of jingoism, landlordism, clericalism, too many ancient rights, to the degradation and exploitation of the masses, as enjoyed by brewers, spirit distillers, and publicans. They did not realise that they were not strong enough to resist a coalition of privilege-mongers and monopolists, of clericalism and ignorance. An all-powerful coalition indeed! since it is the landlords, capitalists and plutocrats, the clergy of all denominations, and the church by law established, who are in possession, the masters of the nation. Such a coalition could be resisted only by the people united in a general strike, by an armed revolutionary movement. To go forth against it with voting papers while it is supreme is as silly as the faith of legalist Socialists in their parliamentary majority declaring for a collectivist "social liquidation." Let the partisans of legalism and parliamentary action ponder the fate of the Liberal party. Perhaps they will at lengtll perceive that, in a conflict of interests, triumph lies with those in possession, and that the first acts of social emancipation must be to dispossess the possessors, and to destroy and abolish the State organisation, which protects the privileges of the exploiters and puts at their disposal all these formidable means of hoodwinking, degrading, and exploiting the people. The Liberals, now so disgracefully beaten, had not only a majority, but the reins of government in their hands. Amongst them were men of great political capacity, great administrative experience, men of l~uropean popularity. But scarcely had they touched, or shown a disposition to touch vested interests and privileges, than they were thrown to the gronnd. It is likely that at some future time -perhaps half a century hence-a Social Democratic majority, and its vote for a social liquidation, will fare better than the Liberal government of to-day? To believe that it will is to be very simple-minded. As long as the rich and the exploiters of labor are left in the absolute possession of their wealth, as long as the people are taught that legal methods and electoral agitation can do everything, and that the economic struggle is useless, the autonomous organization of social production and consumption is an idle dream; as long, in fact, as the Communist-Anarchist's idea, with its conception of the revolutionary initiative of groups and self-governing federations of producers, is denounced as "unscientific" and dangerous; as long as this is the case, we may predict, without exaggeration, that the measures of the future Social-Democratic I-;abor Party, and other such legislators, must inevitably meet with as striking a defeat as that of the Liberals. The people can only force the rich, the rulers, to yield to demands when they actually revolt. It was not Marat and Robespierre who made revolutionary changes by their decrees; it was the direct action of the revolted conntry places which, as the Abbe Gregoire puts it, had each its own Marats and Robespierres. And in the coming social struggle it will be the same. It will not be the fine talkers of the SociaDemocratic Federation, the Fabian Society, the Independent Labor Party, who will decree Communism or Collectivism, but the people themselves, who will organize upon their own initiative self-governing, producing, and consuming associations-i.e., true Anarchist- Communism. But, to arrive at this, Hnglish workmen must stick to their old tactics of economic warfare, their self-organising societies of workers, bravely conducted strikes, bold revolts like those of the earlier part of this century. Electoral parades may be left to the admirers of law and order, government and bureaucracy- whatever they call themselves. English workers, the German Social Democracy is held up for your admiration. But do you know that in Germany the workmen labor 13. 14, and r6 hours a day for from 2S. to 4s.? Why are they behind you and behind the French? Because, instead of struggling for themselves, they vote, and vote only; because they submit to a stupid and centralised discipline; because the initiative of individuals and of groups has been trodden out; because the idea of social revolution is presented to them as an easy affair of rules and laws, to be nl'lnaged for them by men acting as their special providence, and not by them for themselves. And it is this belated country, the land of huge armies and military discipline and parliamentary votes resultless to the worker, that is set before you as an ideal! No, let us keep to our own line, the economic struggle; let us try to get ready as soon as possible for a general strike; let us do our ntmost to make that strike a triumph. and we shall have no need of electoral contests; for a victorious general strike is the beginning of a social revolution. London Freedom.

Mowbray's Tour

To do propaganda under difficulties is the lot of all those who take part in our movement, but it is seldom the lot of many comrades to experience the harrassing difficulties which we had to contend with in Chicago. It seems that since the death of our comrades in r887 it has been almost dangerous to call oneself an Anarchist and the holding of meetings in English has been almost impossible. It was with all-this difficulty-well understood by the comrades-that I was invited to try my hand in rousing up the workers of Chicago and founding a good basis for future propaganda. The police authorities saw in my visit another chance of plundering the cowardly bosses, and to this end the plug-uglies set to work to create a scare, and in this they were aided by the prostitute press and soft brained reporters. That I should escape arrest is the universal wonder of all the comrades and friends. The attitude of the press towards myself was extremely bitter, and my arrest was urged on the grounds of public safety, the "Chicago Tribune" being especially eager for my blood. The ghosts of the murdered millions seem to haunt these vampires of capitalism in such a way that they are scared to death by the mere mention of the word Anarchism. They seem to fear within themselves that the day of reckoning is rapidly approaching. I held my first meeting in Belmont Grove, under the eye of Insp. Schaack, the prostitute blackmailer, aided by his worthy friend, Capt. Schuttler. I heard them alluded to as the "twin suckers". I suppose the title is appropriate. Close on hand and surrounding the grounds were 350 uniformed police, all armed and in readiness for action; also six police vans and goodness knows how many detectives. So successful were the arrangements of the police that people were frightened, and anyone acquainted with the methods of the Chicago police will not be surprised, for they are a brutal lot of cowards and perjurers. They were like vultures awaiting in eagerness the order to fire into a defenceless mass of men, women and children. I held four other meetings under similar conditions as the above, and three meetings, where the police were not present owing to want of information. Not content with harrassing the meetings the attempt was made by these thugs to bulldoze those who were thought to be in any way friendly to our ideas. They failed however to get their prey, and they are consequently mad having lost an opportunity to plunder. Our paper, THE REBEL, was well received and its general make up highly appreciated. Much help was promised from Chicago towards putting THE REBEL on a sound footing. We hope comrades all round will not fail in sending on financial help.

In connection with my visit we distributed a circular for which "crime" our comrade Benjamin was arrested and held in $200 bonds; his trial was to come off on the r rth inst. Freedom in Chicago is a thing unknown now. I think, however, that the idea of freedom is likely to grow, and when it does I anticipate lively times in this city. I found the comrades of the various groups inclined to help the propaganda as well as they could. The members of the Debating Society are very earnest and active. I cannot close without complimenting the Jewish comrades for their efforts to make my visit a success. My thanks are tendered to all comrades who stood by me during my difficult two weeks' work. c. w. lVI.

The Past and Future of the Ladies' Liberal League, by Voltairine de Cleyre

I have assumed a serious and severe office that of historian and prophet. But, pardon me, I intend to be neither serious nor severe; for this is an occasion rather for exc1ulllging greetings and putting ourselves in good humor than being serious, and my talk will be somewhat governed thereby. Our history is short, but, to borrow a ponderous phrase of Renan's "of interest to the philosophic mind." At last it ought to be; if it is not so much the worse for the philosophic mind. We were born in February 1892, and like the celebrated author of Innocents Abroad, we ran alone ten minutes after we were born,-only he had the misfortune to get tangled up in his long clothes, while we, being the child of the New Woman and the New Man, (comparatively new I mean, not of the "bloomer" 'yet, but considerably outside orthodox traditions) we were never swaddled in long clothes, but kicked freely and healthily from the beginning: I spoke with levity, but if we had dubbed ourselves the Kicking Society, in all seriousness it would not have been amiss. The first act of our life was to kick against an unjust decree of our parents, and we have unflinchingly stood for the kicking principle ever since. Now, if the word kicking is in bad repute with you, substitute non-submission, insubordination, 'rebellion, revolt, revolution, whatever name you please which expresses non-acquiescence to injustice. \Ve have done this because we love liberty and hate authority, and the sentiment is bound to find vent somehow, "as the sap climbs upward to the flower", to make use of an illustration from Kropotkine. How then, some stranger will inquire, does it happen that you, standing for so bold a principle, have such an-innocuous name,-Ladies' Liberal League? Sirs, though our parents were reformers, men and women grown gray in a good cause, we beg you to remember that they are gray, and to look leniently 011 their foibles. We are the child of the Friendship Liberal League, and that worthy society, grand and' courageous as it has been and still is, and no one enjoys paying so deserved a tribute better than I, has yet approached that mellowness of age when it has a tendency to smoothness and respectability. Respectability is a sort of secular saint to be considered in the matter of baptisms, and' 'Ladies" is a very respectable word. Besides our dear parents, as is often the case with parents, conceived us quite otherwise, than as we turned out to be. They had an idea of forming a sort of machine wherethrough the working force of the women of the Friendship League could be brought to bear upon the Liberal Hall Association plan; in other words we were to be a Ladies Aid, after the model of the church, and make money after the manner of women, by fairs, sociables, picnics, excursions, et cetera. We were to smile men into ticket-buying, and shame them into candy purchase, and wheedle them into ice-cream. I presume that bedquilts done up gorgeously with silks and raffled at ten cents a ticket may have been distantly in view. I could not say authoritatively; I did not join the society until after the girls had decided they were born for other purposes. How came it about? Well, the trouble lay right here: our parents assumed that the child was wise enough to earn the money, the best way it could, but not wise enough to control it after it was earned; the child thought otherwise. In that difference of opinion rebellion began, and continued till a complete separation took place, and the L. L. L. set up in business for itself. It's a long way off now, but some of us still remember with pleasure the quiet Monday evening gatherings at the home of our secretary, where we used to meet and pass a cosy, nestled up time, getting to understand ourselves. Time has weeded us out a little: three of us, one young, one old, one middle-aged, have gone to shadow. Two of them had secular funerals, a matter which might not have been easy to manage but for the friendships formed and prolonged through and by the L. L. L. (So we hold it out to you as an inducement, if any of you are thinking of dying. Come into the fold in order that you may go out of it as a true rebel.) You may take that as a joke, but it is really a very serious matter. And no one knows till he gets to be a freethinker and starts to die, or some of his freethought friends do, what a difficult thing it is for a piece of cold human clay to escape the clutch of the church. "Are you there, my friend", says she adjusting her spectacles to take a good survey of you: "Aha! now I have you at last! Your obstreperous mouth is closed, and I shall damn you at ease-with the fairest set of lies my agent can set forth. Oh, you all come to me in the end." And don't we though! Are we not made mock of in the very clods? Our whole lives belied? Our works gainsaid? Well, as I said, some have gone to the shadow; some concluding that the trend of the more active spirits was too radical, have withdrawn. Blessings go with them! We were sorry to part with them, we wish they could have gone with us; but we couldn't halt. We remember them as comrades; and when the evening firelight throws its gleams on the wall, and the pictures of the old quiet days before we dabbled in public-mixing matters flash in the illuminated rosy shadow, their faces are still there. Some are dead, some left behind, and some go n e, not of their will but of the bitter Will of-God or the Devil or whatever other cursed tyrant it is who separates people who do not want to be separated, that says to a man "'Go thou', and he goeth." This is the worst of partings. (To be continued).

Manifesto Issued by the London Anarchist Alliance

At a conference of the Anarchist-Communists of all nationalities, in London, England, it has been decided to issue the following manifesto. FELLOW 'YORKEKH--As you are probably aware "The International Socialist ,Yorker's and 'frades-Union Congress" meets next year in London. A eonllnittee of twelve, eonsisting of six memhers elected by the last congress and six appointed by the Parliamentary committee of the Tradesl'nion congress has heen intrusted with the preliminary arrangements for the congress. This committee has issued invitations to all Trades-Unions and to all Socialist organizations tlmt believe in and advoeate politieal action to partil~ipate in the eongress. No invitations have been issued to any organization of workers, other than TradesUnion, that is known to ohjeet to the prineiple of politieal action, alHl partieular eare has been taken to make it clear to them that it is intelHled to exclude them from the eongress. It is well known to you all that there are large nUmhers of workers in all countries, some of them organized in Trades-Unions, who ignore the principle of politieal aetion or ohjeet to it altogether. These workers, commonly known as Anarehist-Comnl1lnists, faithful to the deelaration of the International that "the eeonomic emancipation of labor is the great goal to which all other political movements must be subordinated" bplieve that the introduction of any attem pt to conquer politieal powpr, and to take possession of the means of governn18nt, far from being advantageous or useful to their cause, will only delay the day of emancipation. Experience has taught them the uselessness of voting, and they have found out to their cost that whenever one of their more acti ve spirits, getting tired of the slow work of edueation, llescends into the political arena and mixes up with the people who have made politics a profession, he beeomes demoralised and grallually abandons the position of independence he has occupied before. At one time Socialists all thp world ovpr were agree(l on that point. ] t is only recpntly, com pamtively speaking, that some of them have taken np the new position of adv(j(,ating parliamentary action, al1(l, like most apostates, they pnrsue with undying hatred the men whose constancy to principle rpminds them of their elulllge. The real, perhaps the only, usefulness of thesl' Intprnational Congresses lies in the opportnnity they provillc' for the workers of the different eountries to meet awl <'xchange their views. FOl'lning a section, and by no means an unimportant seetion. of the working classes we calJllOt allow another congress to meet without protesting against any attempt to make party eapital out of that which should be of benetit to the whole of the Labor world. The spirit of intoleranee that ,,'e eomplain of tirst manifested itself at the Paris Congress of 188\1, when the followers of Marx refused to listen to S. :Ylerlino or to allow him to move an amendment he had given notice of, alHl followed this up by his forci ble ejection, a eourse of procedure which led to the sP_ cession of the greater nmubel' of the Italian amI English delegates. It grew to gigantic proportions in the expulsion of all Socialists opposed to political action from the Zurich Congress, except the few who were in possession of TradesUnion credentials. It has now so entirely overpowered the reasoning faculties of the organizers of next year's eongress that they refuse to recognize as eligible for admission any section of the working classes not agreeing with their views on political action. ,Ye have no objection to a Social-Demoeratic congress as such, or to a congress to whieh only believers in political action are admitted, provided no attempt be made to claim that sneh a congress is representative of and speaks in the name of labor. But we object to remain silent and allow a body of political adventurers--mem bel'S of Parliament, eapitalists and manufacturers, journalists, professors, lawyers, shopkeepers, all politically on the make---to take credit to themselves as the only repre:>entatives of J~abor and to gull the wage-shwe of Capital with promises of a better time to eome; promises which could never be realized if their tactics were suceessful, as that success would allow them ~o live by exploiting the worker. \Ve claim that an Intel'1lational Socialist \Yorkets' Congress should be open to work_ ers of every sh~tde of opinion, and we denounce -as treason to the cause of labor the attempt to exclude the Anarchists for no other reason than that their views differ from those entertained by the people who have made the bossing of these congresses a fine art. \Ve appeal to your sense of fait, play. Only the opponents of political action, as defined by the Social Democrats, are excluded, everybody else ig admitted. According to the wording of the invitation the most reactionary workman, even if the proven enemy of his class, together with the employer and exploiter of labor, ean sit and vote as a delegate at the congress; we alone, who have surely given sufficient proof of the sincerity of OUT convictions, the eamestness of our endeavors to alter the c.onditions of the down-trodden and wretched, are excluded because our presence woul(l

>poil the game of the party bosses and endanger their <>fforts

to blind you in the futme as they have done your brothers on the Continent in the past.

Fellow ,Yorkers, it rests with you to say whether these

tactics shall be successful or not. Invitations have been sent to yOlH' Union:> to take part in the congress and to appoint delegates thereto. \Ve ask you to exercise YOUI' influ_ ence in yom Unions to have your delegates instrueted to vote for the free admission of all. The tinal decision, the tinal responsibility, rests with the congress. The ingenious, if dishonest, attempt of the organizing committee to evade the difficulty by a carefully worded form of invitation will not be allowed to succeed. We intend to knock at the lloor of the congress and to assert our right to plead the cause of Labor as we understand it. Remember that this attempt to exclude us is only the thin end of the wellgp. To-r1ay it is our refusal to be drawn into political action whiell has brought us uncleI' the ban of these would-be politicians who try to boss us all; to-mO!To\\' some objection on youI' part to one 01' other of their llOtions may bring their displeasure upon you. If, to-day, you oppose this attempt to stifle our voice, if you take care that yonI' delegates be instructed to vote for free speech and liberty for all, yon will strike a blow, which, in the long run will be benetieial not only to you but to the cause of Labor all the world over.


Each and every comrade, should make it his and her task to render the stay of THE REBEL a permanent one. The means to accomplish this are numerous and lay in the hands of every one of them varyi aording to local circumstances. Among others we may suggest the placing of the new born on news stands, in public halls, etc., in short, make it conspicuous in all ways and manners accessible to and within the reach of every individual who takes the pains of doing it. Don’t wait for the group, club or ass’n to decide in the matter but act promptly and of your own initiative and success must ensue. To Work 11th November Memorial Demonstration arrangel by the Anarchists of Buffalo, N. V., will take place on Thursday, Nov. i4th 1895, 8 P. M., at Turnhali, 329 Eilicott street. SPEAKERS: In English, C. W. Mowbray, in German, John Most. ADiJISsIoN io Cents.

LIST OF PUBLICATIONS to be had from our office.

Anarchist Communism By P. Kropotkine. Anarchist Morality An Appeal to the Young Expropriation Anarchy A Talk about Anarchist Communism between two Workers An Anarchist on Anarchy Youth’s Ideal Bombs, Poetry and Philosophr of by ‘H. Whittick.


PHILADELPHIA: Ladies’ Liberal League, (Eng.) Wednesdays, 8 P. M., in Skerretts Hall, Ridge Ave. and Green street. Friendship Liberal League, Sundays, at 2.30 and 7.30 P. M., in Warner’s Hall, Broad and Wallace streets. Knights of Liberty, (Jewish), Sundays, 2.30 P. M., Second and Pine streets. Fellowship for Ethical Rewards, (Eng.), Fridays, 8 P. M., Mercantile Hail. Friendly organizations desirous of having their meetings announced in this column are requested to inform us to that effe. By U. Malatesta. ‘‘ Elisee Reclt Anarchy Price, 25 Cts. (All Pamphlets not marked—at Cts. per copy.)


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