Workshop/Bees and Butterflies
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No. 6 of Series Price IO Cents
BEEASN BDU TTERFLIES
“The toad beneath the harrow knows
Exactly where the tooth-point goes;
The butterfly alotig the road
Preaches contentment to that toad”--Kipling.
W. F. RIES : : TOLEDO, 0.
W. F. RIES
"Men and Mules” “Monkeys and Monkeyettes” “Heroes and Heroines” “The Money Problem” “Lions and Lambs” “Co-operative Farming” “Heads and Hands” “Roosevelt Exposes Socialism” “Bees and Butterflies,” Etc. TOLEDO, OHIO PREFACE.
The contents of this booklet harmonize with the truths expressed by Abraham Lincoln in the following words taken from his Cincinnati speech of September 17, 1859. Howells, page 148:
“I hold that if there is any one thing that can be proved to be the will of heaven by external nature around us, without reference to revelation, it is the proposition that whatever any one man earns with his hands and by the sweat of his brow. he shall enjoy in Deace. I say that whereas God Almighty has given- every man one mouth to be fed, and one pair of hands adapted to furnish food for that mo’uth, if anything can be proved to be the will of heaven, it is proved bv the fact that that mouth is to be fed bv those hands, without being interfered with by any other man, who has also his mouth to feed and his hands to labor with. - “I hold, if the Almighty had ever made a set of men that should do all the eating and none of the work, He would have made them with mouths only and no hands; and if He had ever made another class that he intended to do all the work and none of the eating, He would have made them without mouths and with all hands. IBut inasmuch as He has not chosen to make men that way if anythillrg is proved, it is that those hands and mouths are to be co-operative through life and no% to be interfered with”
HIGH PRICES AND WASTE OF COMPETITION.
Human life cannot be sustained, even in its simplest form, without food, shelter, and clothing. To live properly requires, leisure-leisure to read, to travel, to study nature, to visit friends and neighbors. Yes, to be more than a mere animal requires all these and much more. I have shown, in previous booklets, .that we in this country not only possess an abundance of natura1 resources, but that we have a factory system adeauate to manufacture more than all the people-could properiy consume. In this chapter I shall prove that at least tliree-quarters of this product as well as three quarters of ouri efforts are worse than wasted. That nature’s gifts. ~1~s man’s invented machinery should be used to supply our necessities and pleasures none will deny. Especially should it bring happiness to those who produce the wealth of the world. However, in no nation on earth do those who produce wealth receive more than a fraction of what ther nroduce-the ereat bulk of it ‘going to those who produce-&thing. That Capitalism 7ya.e an historical necessity in the development of mankind from past conditions to our present state is admitted by all thinkers. Having fulfilled this historic mission, Capitalism, like the many other systems that preceded it, must give way to the next higher order in human development-Co-operation. It must give way, because Cap- _ italism cannot prevent panics--it cannot keep the people employed- it cannot prevent crime, prostitution and insanity from increasing several times faster than the increase of population-it cannot prevent the wealth from rapidly drift- . ing into the hands of an idle few -it cannot prevent a thousand and one things which society demands must be prs vented, and therefore, I repeat, Capitalism must die. It is a part of the evolutionary process of nature that when anything becomes useless it should die and make way for the new. The great problem of the hour is not “how to produce:’ That has been solved by modern machinery. The great problem is the one of “distribution.” Is there some plan by which distribution of commodities can be done with less sffort? This is the issue. As tending to show that our leading thinkers and writers have been forced by society to take up this problem of distribution, I quote from a magazine article by B. F. Yoakum, a prominent railroad manager, who advocates cutting out the middleman, to the advantage of both the producer and consumer. In a word, he advocates the conEscation of the retailer’s profits. And carefully avoids advocating the elimination of railroad profits. Excerpts from Yoakum’e article follow: “It is not the amount of potatoes, cabbage, onions, grain. dairy products or other foodstuffs a community of farmers produces that fattens their bank accounts. It is the .price for which they can sell tbem,and the waste they can cut out between the farm and the table. It is not the prices that the farmers are getting that make living so expensive. It is the expense of getting them to the railroads and the proflt of dealers, wholesalers and re-ta-i-le r-a- -- -. “After a careful hives tigation, it is estimated that during the past year the farmers received and the consumers of the city of New York paid for, the following articles of food, approximately the amounts respectively shown: Received by farmer Eggs. . .......... $oge. .$ 17,238,OOO ............ ...............
ga;pssges. ......... 1:826:000 ........... Milk. .............. 22.%!% Potatoes. .......... l3,437:000 Meat+oFa;ultry ............... 219,300,OOO $274,289.000 ler A^- ^“.T_h e ^^^ freight paid on the above articles was approximately &ts New York and A MODERN CRJME. As showing the wasteful and shameful methods used by the food trust in holding up prices to the point that will enable them to rob the producer and consumer, the Milwankee News of Oct. 28th, tells how one million dozen eggs were dumped into the harbor in New York in order to lessen the visibly supply so that enormous prices might obtain on the other tens of millions of dOZenB held. On the very day that these’ eggs were dumped into the harbor by the food trust, 365,000 half-starved people were huddled into one square mile of tenements in New York City alone. < On that very hour long rows of people formed into ‘“bread lines” freezing and shivering for a “hand out” of stale bread. Ninety-four ner cent of the people of that self same city, New York, do-not own a home, because of the monstrous criminal actions of the Capitalists of which the fOOd trust iB Only a Bmall part. If the task of supplying food, shelter and clothing were left to the government-to yourselves, would you destroy your own food to make yourselves. pay higher prices? Today the speculators make money by destroying part ‘of the food. You and I have read many times where thousands of bales of cotton were burned; when whole shiploads of ilsh were destroyed and whole cargoes of bananas and other foods dumoed into the ocean in order to maintain high prices. - Observe that Yoakum estimates, that in the one item of food alone, nearly one million dollars could be saved daily in the single city of New York. Food being less than one-fourth of the- ordinary expenses, it follows that by cutting out the middleman in other lines also, about $4,000.000 could be saved daily to the people in a single city. Think of the needless expenses involved in passing goods from the factory through the hands of the jobber, then to the wholesaler, then to the retailer, and then to the dear people. The jobber, the wholesaler and the retailer each has rent, interest and taxes to pay--each has stenographers, bookkeepers and office help to pay--each has an army of traveling salesmen, solicitors, agents, canvassers and collectors to pay-each has commercial paper to discount at the banks--each has heavy advertising to pay-each must allow a goodly per cent for bad debts and deterioration of equipment-each expects to pay interest on capital stock , 4
invested. each hopes to make a nice net profit at the end of the year, and each of you poor fools who vote to continue this useles system pay every penny of the expense. Under Socialism each worker as he left the factory would be issued a labor time-check equivalent to the goods made by him that day, and with that labor time-check he could buy the exact things he produced or the full net social equivalent of what others produced. This would render needless the jobber, wholesaler, retailer, agents, solicitors, collectors, etc. T,& plan would require but one “sample” store and a wareroom in a town and but few / even in cities-about as numerous as our tire departments. Thousands of stores in every town and city could be discarded. The people who built them, the clerks who man them, the merchants who own them, and countless others indirectly connected with these stores could be put to useful work-to producing commodities instead of consuming them. There is absolutely no more need of all these parasites under a sane system than it would be for the government to advertise and send out drummers to sell postage stamps, or for the public schools to send out solicitors for its patronage. Not a bit more necessary than to have our fire department advertise that in case of fire “patronize only engine crew No. 23.” Under our present planless competitive system we raise a steer on the western plains, ship the hide to Massachusetts, manufacture it into shoes, and send them back to the plains. A steer raised in Maine will have his hide tanned in San Francisco, m%nufactured into shoes in St, Louis and then sold at retail in Boston< Stoves made in Texas are sold in Michigan, and stoves made in Michigan are sold in Texas, etc. You believe that such a system of extravagance is necessary because the capitalists through their papers have always told you so. You believe it because you don’t read and think for yourself. $34,000,000,000 WASTED. By conservative experts the total yearly waste of our competitive capitalistic system is placed at $34,000,000,000 in this country. These figures are too vast to comprehend in the abstract. THIS MONEY WOULD BUY EACH OF THE 16,000,- 6 000 FAMILIES IN THE UNITED STATES A HOUSE COSTING $2.125.00 PER HOUSE. Think of this nation wasting through our Competitive, Capitalistic system, enough money to build SIXTEEN MILLION HOMES costing (2J25.00 each. When we reflect that there are employed at useless labor ia this country over NINE MILLION PEOPLE, it is plain to see that if these were added to the real prouucets of wealth, as we Socialists propose, the hours of labor could be cut over one-half, but,if they should work even six hours , per day in conjunction with modern machinery, in an orderly, systematic manner, each worker would produce more of the comforts of life than the present purchasing value of a $5.000 yearly salary, and this could be done in 250 days per year. I personally know people who buy sewing machines for $12.50 and sell them for $35.00, yet they starve. I know others who buy pianos for $200 and sell them for from $400 to $500-yet they starve. I know of people . who buy encyclopedias for $12 and se11 them for $64-yet most fail at it. Why! Too many at it-every avenue is overcroweded. When the people once get the fact into their heads that it costs more to sell a thing than it does to make it, they are on the road to Socialism. The above mentioned wastes of competition a+e by y no means the only ones that could be named. Volume8 could be filled with their recital. Capitalism is enormously wasteful in duplicated machinery and duplicated labor, in stifled talent and ruined enterprise. in the enforced idleness of willing workers and the debauching waste of luxurious idlers. The co-operation and efficiency of Socialism will do away with the&e and hundreds of other sources of waste which now exist. rhis. together with the universal use of our modern labor saving machinery will make us for the first time in history really wealthy. Prof. Stiles is between the devil and the deep blue sea when it comes to a choice between the wage slaves in the factory and the worse than wage slaves on the small farms. What a boon Co-operative farming under Socialism would be to these homeless workers where the best of soil and modern machinery would give them a ten-fold production and much needed leisure for education and culture. i 7 . INVENTIONS AND UNEMPLOYMENT. From an official report issued to stockholders, by the‘ U. S. Steel Corporation, (steal trust) we quote the following: Wages paid 1905, $129.052,955; 1906, $147,765.540. Net profits 1905, $119,‘787,658; 1906, 157,824,273. Observe that during the year 1905 the net nroEts were ten million less than the wages paid. Observe further that during the very next year, 1906, the net proiits were ten millions greater than the wages paid-a difference of twenty million in favor of the trust as against the workers. This is due to the installation of newly invented machinery. Improved machinery and methods are being used in every department of production and distribution. Under the present system if you invent a machine that will do a given amount of work in one-half the time now required, a trust buys your invention, installs it and promptly discharges one-half its men and makes as much clear profit as ever. The men retained in the factory work just as many hours and iust as hard as before. The men discharged are thrown but of employment. They are forced to seek other jobs only to find all industries discharging men because of modern machinery. They continue to wander, obtaining temporary work only, and finally develop into hoboes. thieves and suicides. Meanwhile the wives. daughters a& sweethearts of these discharged workers are compelled to shift for themselves. And what a “shift” it . The charitable institutions the missions the soup causes and aid societies being unable to furnish’ relief they turn th theft and to houses of ill fame, there to exi& but a year or two until debauchery and disease relieves them from their misery. The men remaining emlpoyed in the factory, become mere handles to the machine. There is something tragic in the fact that as soon as man bad invented a machine to do his work he began to starve. In case the men operating the machines demand better wages or shorter hours, the boss informs them that it is out of the question. If they threaten to strike they are given that privilege. Before leaving the factory the boas requests them to first peek through the windows and see there a lean, famishing mob of discharged and starving workmen standing outside of the factory, with pinched faces and broken hearts. so near the door of novertv that thev would. beast-like, if ‘the opportunity afforded, rush in, and take away from their brother-yes their brother-the bread and butter that his family must have or starve. 8 . AN IMPORTANT ADMISSION. W. W. Finley, president of the Southern Railway, in a report to the officials of that great system, used the following language which proves my contention: “An economic effect of the panic which has not been mentioned before, is the increased efficiency of labor, due to the plain proposition that a man will do more work, and beter work when he knows some one else is waiting and looking for his job. By this increase in individual efficiency, a great reduction in operating expenses was made possible without sacrificing the maintenance and replacement necessary for the proper preservation of the property.” The capitalists have come to the cold-blooded proposition of holding the cudgel of starvation over the heads of laboring men in order to make them strain every atom in their bodies, and earn more dollars for their masters for fear that the wild-eyed starving creature who stands outside the factory door, and whose family is perishing for the bare necessities of life, will get his job. Such indeed is the lot of the wage slave under capitalism. Recently the Post-Dispatch of St. Louis, MO., the largest daily paper of the middle west, in calling attention to the arrest of a poor crippled boy, who stole a loaf of bread
- zwke;p himself from starving, gave utterance to the fol-
“The latest census reports on city conditions show that’ at least half of the people of St. Louis are not sure this week of a livin next week.” He could g ave added without fear of successful contradiction that the majority of the other half were not two months away from starvation fin case they lost their jobs. The same conditions prevail in other cities and in some it is much worse. Note that the Post-Dispatch does not guess at these conditions. but auotes the citr’s census reuorts. Further on-in the same -article the Post-Dispatch declares that, “Only a small minority of the people can ever feel sure of a living for any great length of time.” And who constitutes this small minority that may feel safe as to the future? .Are they those toilers who take the raw material and fashion it into useful and ornamental things, or are they the useless idle class who consume them after the workers have produced them? In truth it is a case of “those who do everything have nothing, while those who do nothing have everything.” 9 Think of caDitalism holdine out as an incentive such a prospect-such a’ picture! Thiik of capitalism holding out to “all but a small minority” poverty and the constant fear of actual starvation as the reward of their toil! Is it possible that you toilers-you horny headed sons of labor will continue to forever believe that such will always be your lot? Will you forever continue to believe that it is necessary to support in luxury idlers and drones? Will you forever continue to believe that because you build palaces for others you should live in filthy hovels yourselves- that because you weave silk for others, you should wear rags-that because you build automobiles you should , walk-that because you ---ake pianos, you should play a jews harp-that because you raise fine meats, you should aubsist upon sow belly and stale liver? Throughout the world, “ten million Socialists with their ballots have already answered ‘NO!’ it is not necessary for labor to thus exist in filth and poverty that a few idlers may live in riotous luxury.” ’ Socialists would make the machine the slave of ma? instead of man the slave of the machine. Socialism would no longer compel man to be the mere handle of the machine. Socialists would encourage and assist genius to invent. Socialists would put at the disposal of inventive genius the most modern appliances and skilled assistants. Society wouId, under Socialism, own these inventions. By-properly rewarding these inventors they would be encouraged to continue their researches. In order to serve all the people, machinery must be owned by all the people. Such an arrangement would be an immense advantage to society. All monotonous, dull labor, all labor that deals with unpleasant duties and involves unsanitary conditions, can and must be”done by machinery. Even today we have machinery to clean streets -to clean sewers-to mine coal-to wash dishes-to polish floors-to clean carpets and to do thousands of hard tasks. Under Socialism these would be used and extended to lighten toil. Experts all agree that with machinery now invented all the necessary work could be done in a few hours each day. Then for the first time in the history of the world, man really would begin to grow and develop mentally and spiritually. He would then have the necessary time to study and amuse himself, or enjoy cultivated leisure -which, and not drudging toil, is could make beautiful things and P e aim of man--or he con emplate the world with admiration and delight. 10 HRRO WORSHIP. How foolish for ninety million laborers to permit “the coal baron” Baer to sit at the entrance of our coal mines with a a man-made paper title in his hand solemnly informing freezing humanity that God in his inilnite wisdom has turned over the coal mines to him and that from now on to the end of time he (Baer) will say when and how 1 much coal shall’be mined-what wages shall be paid for mining it. and whether or not the mines shall be ouerated at all.- IIow foolish to permit a Rockefeller to thus sit at the opening of the oil wells and dictate the terms and conditions on which we may provide ourselves with oil. How foolish to thus permit a Carnegie to control the iron ores in the hills-a Warhouser our forests, an Armour our meatsa Patton our cereals--a Guggenheim our precious metalsa McCormick our farm machinery-an Astor our homes-a Gpuld our railroads-a Morgan our banks-a Pillsbury our bread-a mere handful of others to own the rest of our me8ns of production 8nd distribution. Think of permitting these self-styled “divinities’‘-these colossal fakirs to control a nation’s only source of food, shelter, and clothing. Think of being at the mercy of these idlers for the very means of life. Think of ninety million people the abject slaves of 8 mere remnant of society. Then think of the monstrous, the colossal stupidity of these so-called freemen- these so-called voting kings-these horny handed (headed) sons of toil with ballots in their hands deliberately walking up to their booths at every election voting to continue this rotten system. Oh! the horror and the tragedy of it all. What can I say or do to arouse you from the hypnotic influence the capitalists are exerting on you. <Arouse. you slaves, to the full stature of the giant you aruarouse, the manhood and the intelligence that lies dormant within you. Arouse to your full capabilities. Arouse, you are giants in strength and intellect. Arouse,. the capitalists are pigmies and intellectual weaklings. Arouse, determine to have your rights and the capitalists will flee to utter darkness. Arouse, the past belongs to the capitalists. Arouse, the future belongs to the producer of wealth-to you. Arouse, take nature’s gifts to humanity-the natural resources-the mines, the forests, the lands. Arouse, take the factories which you and vour toiline brothers have made. Arouse.’ take the railroads, ships,* telegraphs, etc., which you have built. Arouse, you toilers, take over unto yourselves the entire meaps of production and distribution and communication, 11 thus giving to each person in the nation an equal opportunity to produce for himself-each according to his deeds and not as now, produce bread for idlers and crumbs for yourselves. On the very day that you decide to “collectively own all those things that society collectively uses,” unemployment will vanish and the words “pove?ty” and “tramp” will be relegated to the museunis. To keep you workers in ignorance of this fact, the capitalists own the press, and control many of the preachers. Others have done your thinking for you and that is why ‘you are wage slaves today. Socialists ask you to read and think for yourselves that you may become intelligent enough to shake off the capitalist leeches who live at your expense. TR,AMPS, VAGRANTS, HOBOES. To the average m%nd the words Tramp, Vagrant, and Hobo suggests some poor mortal who is out of work, strolls into our streets and is “pinchedI” by the police department, and given a few minutes to leave the city, or else fined, placed in the work house and given the poorest of food, and consigned to a d,amp, dark and filthy cell, where he is required to spend his time until the majesty of the law has ,been vindicated. Did you ever stop to think that these same tramps- ‘vagrants and hoboes are the natural product of our capitaIist system. Every time a panic occurs, millions of honest and hard working men are compelled to take to the road in search of work. Finding none, these tramps may have stolen something-compelled to take his choice between steaIing an,d starvirrg. He was an honest man when he started out, with loving wife and children at hom,e, but “closed” factories drove him to this last desperate step. His clothes became “seedy,” his shoes worn out, his hair and beard unkempt and all this through no fault of his own. He is kicked, cuffed and sneered at by so-called “polite” society. Webster’s dictionary deiines “Vagrant” as follows: “One who strolls from place to place; one who has no settled habitation; an idle w’anderer; a sturdy beggar; an incorrigible rogue; a vagabond.” What about the idle millionaire tramps who “etroll from town to town” living on the fat of the land yet toil not. Don’t they also measure up to the dictionary defini-’ tion? When these rich “vse-ants? come to town. in fine 12 The millionaire tramp has too much; the back-door tramp has too little. One is enslaved by what he has, the other by what he has not. Both are the product of the present social system and will disappear only when the system diaappears. Yes, the Socialists will reduce both kinds of tramps to a “dead level” all right, all right. The tramp will be lev. eled up and the millionaire will be leveled down. The two tramps will meet on a “dead level” plane, where both will work or starve. 13 ‘- automobiles, the keys of the city are turned over to them. They are wined and dined in royal splendor. When the store-houses of these “rich hoboes” are filled to overflowing with goods, and when they no longer need the services of their ‘%la,ves’* they dismiss them without warning and turn them out on the cold charity of the world. Denied the opportunity to work, they are arrested, branded as idle, shiftless criminals and dubbed “hoboes.” We are so highly civilized that we punish people who are COMPELLED to be idle and send the RICH “vagrant” to congress to make onr laws for us. While the “poor hobo” is-comoelled to steal occasionally, yet all the thefts of all the hoboes of all time will not equal-the theft of an Armour, a Carnegie or a Morgan in one, year. The dictionary further defines “Hobo” as “A laborer without a fixed location.” Under capitalism when the master of the machine is the master of the job, many laborers cannot have a fixed location. Tramps, both the rich and poor varieties will continue to exist so ong as you fool workers vote to continue the present system which breeds them- PRIVATE OWNERSHIP. I wish to emphasize the fact that there are TWO kinds of tramps in the world-the rich tramp, and the poor tramp. The poor tramp calls at the back door and begs for a handout which he may or may not get, plus a bull dog, which he is pretty sure to get. The rich tramp sets a gallon of oil at your front door that costs two cents to produce and has the entire army, navy and government at Washington to compel you to pay his orice for it-all the way from fifteen to twentv-five cents. The poor tramp is damned, and cursed and driven from the face of the earth, while the rich tramp is called a Napoleon of finance. a genius. a man of brains.- the salt of the-earth. The onlfreasoh we have the one is exactly the reason we have the other. It takes 30,000 paupers to make a millionare, and it would be impossible to have the latter, without the former. The fact that we have the one nut proves that we have the other. It will take something more than souphouses and vigrancy laws to get rid of one and considerably more than a Judge Landis and a $29.240,000 to get rid of the other. Roth spring from the same cause and both alike will disappear when the cause is removed, viz: the private ownership of the means of life. 14 c Socialism will rid society of both the rich and the poor h,obo by .giving them an equal opportunity to produce and guarantee them the full product of their toil. If they produce much they get much; if they produce little they get but little, and if they produce nothing they nevertheless get all they produce-nothing-with a hole in it. Can you beat the Socialist remedy for Tramps? ENEMIES OF HUMANI!l!Y. “Socialism is being assailed on every hand.’ “The men who control the machinery of the two old parties are bending every effort in their power to crush it. “Every tool of capitalism is against it. “Every tool of monopoly is against it. The more arrogant the rulers are, the worse they hate Socialism. “The richer men become, the stronger they condemn it. “The more corrunt a man is. the louder he cries out against it. “It is not to be wondered at that the wickeder a man becomes the more he will hate that which deprives him of gratifying his greed for gold and his lust for the things of this world.” SOCIALISM IS PROUD OF ITS ENEMIES. . Let each peculiar interest be arrayed in a Procession, carrvina aloft its banners unon which shall be inscribed the real-truth of their objects, incentives and occupations. Let us imagine this procession passing along the principal streets of one of our great cities. Let us take note of it as it passes by. Here it cemea, headed by J. P. MOR.GAN & CO., FINANCIERS. (BANNERS.) ‘(WE CONTROL TWELVE THOUSAND MILLION DOLLARS.” “WE USE THE PEOPLE% MONEY DEPOSITED WITH THREE GREAT INSURANCE - COMPANIES. ” 15 ‘ ‘ We Control Millions of Dollars Deposited by the People in Savings Banks. ” “Money To Loan To Corporations and Gamblers In Futures. ” “Panics Made To Order.” “Legislatures and Governors To Let On Favorable Terms. ” Standard Oil Company Sire, Greed ; Dam, Profits ; Progeny, Monopoly. General Manager ; John D. Rockefeller, Billionaire. ” (Banners.) “ God’s Oil Constantly On Tap.” ‘Highest Cash Prices Paid For Legislation. ” “Federal Judges To Rent.” The Sugar Trust. (Banners.) “We Are Double Barreled Thieves. “Caught For Stealing Three Million Dollars. ’ Worth of Tariff Duties, But Settled For One Million. ’ ’ “Still Doing Business at The Old Stand. ” Fresh Canned Beef, Made Out of Sick Cows.” “We Manufacture Our Own Prices.” ‘ ‘ Immunity From Government Prosecution ; We Tell On Ourselves.” “Catch Us If You Can.” Railroad Corporations. - (Banners.) “Always In the Market For Legislation. ” “We Own a Good Supply Of Federal Judges. ” . ‘ ‘ Court Decisions Carried In Stock.” “We Eat Laws On Toast For Breakfast.” . “The Highest Price Paid To Lawyers For Making Laws With Holes In Them. ” “Apply To Any of Our Regular Lobbies. ” - “Dam The Public.” Coal Operators. (Banners.) “Special Agent For The Sale of God’s Coal. ” “Short Tons Make Long Profits. ” May The Groundhog See His Shadow. ” “Not Responsible For Explosions ; The Beef Trust. Life Is Cheaper Than “For Sale At a Bargain: Safeguards. ’ ’ 16 Five Thousand Other (Banners.) Trusts and Corporations “A Public Office Is a With Private Snap. ’ ’ Appropriate Banners. “Public Property At Ten Thousand Private Sale ; Millionaires With Terms Private ; Banners Presenting The Price Private ; Vocations And Their No Publicity ; Defiance of The Law. Whitewash Free If Five Hundred Thousand Needed. ” Politicians Carrying “Offices To Trade For Buckets Of Soft Soap. Any Old Thing.” One Hundred Thousand No Honest Men Need Lobbyists Decorated Apply. ’ ’ With Button-holes. United States Congress One Hundred Thousand (Banners.) Liquor Dealers Legislation For Sale. ” Carrying Banners “Laws Made To Order For Decorated With The Corporations. ” Skull And Crossbones. “Legislation For The Two Hundred Thousand People And Not Wanted Female Prostitutes By Corporations . Under Protection of The Promptly Pigeon-Holed. ’ ’ Police. “Patent On the Cannon Fifty Thousand Rules Applied For By Intellectual Male Both Old Parties” Prostitutes In The “Subsidies For Any Old Employ of Capitalism. Thing At Lowest Cash Five Hundred Thousand Prices. ’ ’ Grafters Carrying a “Fools’ Dope To Put On Banner On Which Is The People Furnished Inscribed : Congressmen Free “To the Victor Of Charge.” Belongs The Spoils.” Federal Judges. The Government ; (Banners.) Alias The Party Which “Laws Twisted To Fit Happens To Be In Power. Either Side Of Any Case.“’ 17 “Decisions Constantly On Tap.” ‘%a+4 Made In Case Of Emergencies.” “Injunctions Issued While You Wait.” Republican Democratic Band Wsagon. Baud Wagon. Fifteen millions of American citizens following the above procession with ballots in their hands to vote to sustain the wickedness represented by the above crowd. Fifteen millions of American citizens of all trades and nrofessions. creeds and orzanizations. voting to sustain a system which makes the above condition pos&ble. Fifteen millions of American citizens! In the name of God. I ask you to stop and think! You are enemies of Socialism, yet the Socialist party is the only organized protest against all that greed and graft. Fifteen million American voters! Stop and think! Look at the crowd you are following. Read the inscriptions on the banners. I ask the members of the church: Can you be a follower of Christ, and a follower of that crowd at the same time? Can you support both God and Mammon? Can you consistently pray for God’s will to be “Done on earth as it is in heaven,’ and then vote for a crowd like that to carry out your prayer? And the trade unions! , What shall I say to them? ‘You have asked for bread, and been given a stone: for fish, and been given a serpent. What are you going to do about it, John Henry? You strike; you quit work; you starve or beg, because your master, the owner of the tools, lowers your wages or refuses to raise them to a living standard. A federal judge issues an injunction, and there you are-if you don’t get yourself in jail, you are more than likely to be shot down like a dog. Do YOU exnect justice from a crowd like that? Strike, but strike at the ballot box, and for Socialism, a system that will give the wealth producer that which he creates. 18 And Rube, what do you think about it? Do you want to mix up with a crowd like that? Get busy in your think tank, and see if you can’t find some way to cut loose from that gang of greedy grafters and parasites on humanity. Throw away your blind bridles of prejudice. Turn your head around and look at the load you are pulling, and then if you don’t balk you haven’t got the backbone of the men of ‘76. Don’t be bamboozled any longer by the high-collared roosters of capitalism. With a simple twist of the wrist they can put you down the price of farm products, and wages, too, and they’re go- Ing to do it. The Socialists are the only ones who are voting against that gang. Vote with your friends,‘and not with your enemies.” -Rip-Saw. TEE LAND QUESTION. If Socialism is wrong on the land question, the government ought to grant a title to as much public land as any person might want to take up. If the government is right in limiting the amount to a j measly little old 160 acres, then the Socialists are right. In dealing out public land the government proceeds upon the theory that individual monopoly of land is wrong. Why should that theory be discarded as soon as the public land is all taken up? Can you private ownership advocates, you republicans and democrats, answer this question? If it is a part of the “Divine Plan” to permit any per. son to gobble up the earth and then charge his fellow-men RENT for enough soil to live on, why doesn’t the “Divine Signature” appear on your warranty deeds? Hard nut to crack, eh? The Socialists believe that every farmer should have the use of as much land as he can urdoerlv farm. and no more. Under Socialism no one on e&the will be able to get it away from the farmer-not even a*sheriff. The conservation ‘of natural resources and the conservation .of popular government are both at stake. The one needs conservation no less than the other. The issue before the American people is: Shall this country be managed by man for human welfare or by money for profit? 19 RAILROADS. The founder of the match trust, 0. C. Barber, multimillionaire, is quoted as follows by the St. Joseph. MO., News-Press: “This country in a few years will be engaged in a civil war as fierce and as bloody as the war of ‘61-‘65. Slavery the slavery of greed, will be the incentive. The strife will be long and bitter, and the forces engaged in the conflict will be the grasping rich and the struggling poor. This will occur within the lifetime of the Dm?.ent veneration. We have the railroads, which, in my judgment, are absorbing the profits of the country arising from industrial enterprises and the labor of the people.” Only a few years ago this same trust magnate de fended the trusts and said that “any trust that robbed the people could not flourish.” The trusts, and especially the railroad trust, has grown to such proportions that even Mr. Barber admits that thev will ruin the nation if some remedy is not sueedily found. With the possible exception of the Banking Trust, no other single agency has wielded such a corrupt and stifling influence upon the people as the railroad monopoly. This giant monopoly has bought and bribed its way to every vantage point. It has bought judges and legislators as one buys fish on the market. It has ruined thousands of business men by its secret rebates. It has watered its stocks until they resemble lakes. So glaring and outrageous are its methods that the demand for Public Ownership is well nigh unanimous. The railroads are watering their stocks from 100 to 1.500 per cent, preparatory to unloading them on the government. The New York, New Haven & Hartford Railroad having actually put $15.0.0 of fictitious stock on the market to every $1.00 of actual cash, while other railroads are not far behind. Henry Clews states that one billion dollars of new stocks are issued every six months. Henry ought to know, he is in that business. In 1900, t,en years ago, Senator Pettigrew introduced a bill in the United States Senate to buy the railroads. He showed that the capitalization of the railroads was a little less than 213,000,000,060, and that they could be duplicated for less than $4,000,000,000,000. Today, eleven years laker, they are capitalized at %20,000,000,000. Not over $25,000,000 per year has been put into new railroads or betterments on old roads. Therefore the rail- 20 roads have issued bogus stocks and bonds equal to the difference between $4,000,000,000, the actual worth. and %20.000.000.000. the b,ogus worth (not over one-half billion need be allowed for-new roads ‘and betterment during the last ten years). This means that at least fifteen billions of watered and absolutely wo,rthless stock is ready to be sold to iTncle Sam for real dollars, or its equivalent, Interest bearjng bonds. Mark my prediction. this gigantic swindle will be perpetrated on the government. The trust-owned newspapers are already preparing the public mind fo,r the deal. They cab hypnotize you working asses into sayI,g AMEK to it. A little, not altogether, ancient history will sufhce to show how these modern robber barons get possession oi the railways of the country. During the early ‘60’s a tremendous rush was made for the great and undeveloped West. The marvelous natural resources of the middle and western portions of this country demanded an outlet. Especially during the rebellion did the plutocrats get unusual assistance from the national government to build railroads. In addition- cities donated cash, bonds and right-of-way. Townships and counties also voted bonds and cash and donated right-ofway. Space forbids the mention of but a few of the many gifts to railroads by the nlational government. July 1st 1862, the Union Pacific Railroad was granted, for its entire length, each alternate section of land for ten miles on each side, besides bonds to the value of $20,000 per mile. July 2, 1864, the government widened the granted territory to twenty miles on each side. Think of it! Your(?) government, giving, not. to the needy and homeless but to the ancestors of our present bloated railroad magnates, an empire 40 miles wide and reaching half across the continent. .4nd then to add insult to injury your( ?) government donated them bonds to the extent of $20,000 per mile j to build this same railroad. Nor is this all; 1862, July ist, three railroads, the Central Pacific, the Kansas Pacific and the Sioux City Pacific were chartered, and strips of land ten miles wide were donated. This widened to twenty miles each side of the right-of-way. On March 3, 1863, four more long roads were chartered and given thirty miles of land on each side. July lst, 1864, the Northern Pacific was granted fifty 21 miles on each side, every other section, half acrosis the continent and $20,000 per mile. - These various grants included more than 267,000,OOO acres, an area of 415,600 square miles, These gifts of land to the railroad trusts is greater in area than the original thirteen states. Think of the railroads begging until the government gave them land greater in area than ,Maine, New Hampshire, Vermont, Massachusetts, Connecticut, Rho,de Island, New Jersey, New York. Pennsylvania, Maryland, Virginia, Delaware, North Carolina, South Carolina and Georgia. It is six times as large as Pennsylvania, New Pork. ’ Illinois, Missouri and Iowa. It is larger than England, Scotland Ireland, Denmark, Sweden, Germany and France all com6ined. It is larger than India with 390,000,000 of people. Thinlk of giving to the railroads an empire of land, together with enough money to build the roads! After giving it to them, think of calling it’ the savings of the men, women and children invested in the railroads. And think of us now paying interest on what we gave-don’t YOU think that a bit clever, dear reader? How would you like a snap like that? If that land had been given to farmers, 2,000,OOO Of them might have had one hundred acree each. That is a greater number of farmers, in fact, than actually own one hundred acres in the entire United States. In other words, we’were more friendly and .generous to a few thousand who own the railroads (beside these peaple own about everything else) than to several million who work for a living. The Central Pacific alone received as donations from individuals, towns and government a total of $156,825,000. In addition the net earnings from 1869 to 1879 were $67,- 370,000 or 34 per cent on the entire capital stock. Our government also donated another $64,603,000 in 6 per cent 3hyear bonds, the interest of which we- had to pay, $55,344,000 more, a total of $119,96%,000 in cash, or enough to build and equip a double track road from New York to the Pa&c Ocean. If, after this gigantic steal, this crime against humanity you still believe kn paying these idle railroad para- &tes three and four times their actual worth, your place is behind the bars of an insane asylufn. The remedy is public ownership, which IS Socialism. 22 , A&ml Cost of Railroads. . The Union Pacific recently proved to the equalization board, through its own engineers, and furnished proof for every item of expense in detail, that the Utah Central linee cost $7,295.20 per mile. . C. Wood Davis informs uti “Many railroads have been built at from $8,000 to $15,000 per mile. The 107 miles .of Kansas Midland, cost but $10,000 per mile, yet today that railroad is capitalized at $53,000 per mile.” Wm. Larrabee, LL.D., ex-governor of Iowa, says: “It,is safe to say that $25,000 is a very liberal estimate of the average cost per mile of American roads to the stock and bond holders, and that their capitalization represents $48,000 of water per mile.” Jav Gould. one of the best iudzes of railroads in his day, te&.ified that he could dupiicaite the 1,000 miles of the Omaha & Ogde7i railroad for $15,000 per mile. The St. tiuis & Iron Mountain railroad filed a sworn statement that the road could be duplicated for $11,000 per mile. General Leese, the noted\raiIroad authority, states that the actual cost of a mile of the Uni,on Pacic is $15,988. Including $3.000 per mile for rolling stock. Texas,. which requires a physical valuation for assessments, estimates the average cost of Texas railroads at $16,520 per mile. A few eastern roads that have two or more tracks and - large terminal facilities would cost more per mile, but this would raise the average cost of all roads but little. Experts agree that the average for all ro,ads in the United States, including terminals and rolling stock would not be over $25,000 per mile. Compare this with the Santa Fe system, which runs through Texas It is incorporated for $56,791 per mile. The Illinois Central,.running through a level prairie country, where construction is cheap, is incorporated for $152,- 464 per mile. The Pennsylvania road is incorporated for $370,836 per mile, while the New York Central has a capitalization of $443,486 per mile. But this is the capitalization alone Besides being resuonsible for _na y_in a dividends on this “water” the employes managing the rmds are required to pay interest en bonds, which in every case is greater than the cost of 23 building the roads. In other words, the plutes have captured the roads bv selling bonds. and have not invested a dollar of their own while they hold their employes to collect from the public, a tribute equivalent to interest on from five to ten times the cost of the roads, for which they paid nothing. The watering of stock was largely accompli: Jhed during the Roosevelt administration. In fact, he gave them direct help,.notably in the notorious Alton +teal. It repiesents the greatest and most bare-faced steal ever DerDetrated t0 1OOt the DmDk?. How do YOU. dear reader. && the railroads to- really belong to these mode& thieves when they haven’t a dollar invested in them? They are not even managed by the plutes who pretend to own them. Thev are entirelv managed bv Hired Hands. Whycouldn’t the people hi& the &me hands to operate thk roads for the benefit of the working people? They can and will as soon as the people wake up. In most other countries of the world the people are fast acquiring the railroads. Omitting England and the United States there are in the world 3 14,406 miles of privately-owned roads against 219,150 miles of publicly-owped roads, and the greatest nations own the most miles of railroads. The following abridged table is from a speech by Senator Thomas M. Patterson: Private ownership. Country. Miles. Australia . . . . . . . . . 5,040 Belgium .I : 1: : : . . . . . . . . . 330 Brazil . . . . . . . , , . . . . . . . . . 2,200 Cape of Good Hope. . . . . . . . 293 French W. Africa. . . . . . . . . Germany . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . i:is’O Hungary 1,900 Italy . . . .‘...‘.*... :: : : : : 1 1 : : 1,240 Japan . . . . . . . . . . . . . , . . . . . . . . . Mexico New SoDth'i/T;'&b':::::::: 6,379 081 New Zealand . . . . . . . . . . . . 113 Norway and Sweden.. . . . . . 5,291 Queensland . . . . . . . . . . . . .11,452 24 Public ownership. Miles 7,620 2,500 11,800 2,664 1,000 30,000 9,128 6,.600 4,889 5,890 3,280 2,374 3,092 29,055 “With others of his class he built the road. Now o’er it many a mile he packs his load; ’ Chasing a JOB, spurred on by hunger’s goad. He walks, and walks, and walks, and walkr, and walke. And wonders why in Hell he built the road.” 26 More than sixty-two governments are today operating railroads in their respective countries. In every nation government ownership has proven such a success that more railroads are being constantly purchased. A most remarkable feature is that in every Country where railroads are run by the governmeht the rates have been reduced, employes’ wages advanced, hours shortened, running schedules impkoved, death rate due to accidents greatly lessened, and finally the governments have’ all earned neat profits. Isn’t this as it should be? Could you ask for more? Then why continue private ownership? Express Companies. Closely associated with and really a part of the railroads are the express companies. Probably no business in the country has enjoyed more special privileges than have the big express companies. They have prevented Uncle Sam from giving the people the parcels post. Man> of them have made prodigious profits and from time to time have “cut melons” for their stockholders: In the Toledo Blade (Republican), November 18, appeared the following in double deck type: “Grants Big Dividend.“. Wells Fargo Will Pay $300 Per Share in Dividends.” Wells Fareo Exnress comuanv todav announced an increase in the “capital stock of---the company from $S,OOO,OOO to $24,900,000. -Mark you this stock is all water. Not a dollar having been paid into the company to add to its resources. . - Because the exnress comnanies have nrevented the government from adbpting the- parcels post ‘we-you atid’ Irare paying about a dozen times the amount charged in other countries for carrying express packages. For carrying 11 pounds, Austria charges 12 cents; France, 16 cents; Germany, 12 cents: Great Britain, 24 cents; while America charges $1.76 and this must be sent in three packages. Postmaster General John Wannamaker said: “It is true that parcels could be carried at about one-twelfth their present cost by the postoffice department, but-there ara four insuperable obstacles. I They are: The Adams, the American, the Wells Fargo and the United States Ex- Dress comnanies. This proves that i?ncle Sam is paying a dozen times as much for carrying the mails as he should. This condition could not exist for a moment if you fool people did not vote the old party tickets. These express companies keep their henchmen in congress. Senator Depew and Senator Platt were for twenty-five years the pliant tools 26 of these ezprese companies. You are still sending to the senate as their successors, Republicans and Democrats, who believe in private ownership. Uncle Sam pays the railways from 3.42 cents to 6.5 per miles for car rent. (in addition to the per pound -h ment). pay-1 The beef trust charges 3/4 of acent per mile and still made a clear profit of $15O,OOO,OOS last year. The rceanr,ta l fort hec argso vewrnhmoseen t conPsatryusc tioanv eragecso st $6th,2e5ir0 opwern ersy ear frop?e!r I $2,500 to $5,000 each. T repeat that this only exists because you fool voters elect friends of the “big interests” to make your laws for YOU. Railroad Regulation. For the past quarter century the leading nations have endeavored to “regulate” the railroads and express companies. T&t us see how much regulation has been accom- &shed and what our leading authorities think of “regulation.” All countries have had about the same non-success with “regulation,” and T quote from the experience of England as being typical of all nations. “The joint committee of 1872, one of the ablest committees that ever sat in England, reviewed the forty years’ effort at legislative regulation of railroads. and concluded . that aside f;om some moderate successes in securing safety, English railroad legislation had never accomplished anythin’g it had sought to bring about, nor ‘prevent anything it sought to hinder. “The cost of nracticallv all this ilseless mass of 3.300 enactments had amounted to nearly $400,000,00O~~an enormous price to pay for the discovery that regulation did not regulate.” And still we of the United States.-we Roosevelt worshipers, cling to that blessed word “regulation.” Has our experience here in America been any better? Let the billioas of profits made by our railroads and express companies be the answer. The millionaire and billionaire railroad mergers proves that we have been gouged. Bismarck’s “Regulation.” Read what the “Iron Chanc&or” Rismarck of Germany has to say about regulation of railroads. “The inadequacy of private ownership and state supervision becomes daily more obvious. It is- the duty of the government to see that ped&e iavk fair rates and equal treatment: to protect the public a@~% arbt- 27 trary, fluctuat.ing, complex and unjust railroad rates. The principle of equality, the impartial treatm& t’6f’all shippers, cannot be had under private ownership. It suits the interests of the railroad pr+ prietors to flavor large shippers in preference to smaller ones, and by meang of secret favors of all kinds, to divert the most important shipments from the competing lines. . . . It carries corruption among railroad employes, and leads more and more to the subordination of the railroad management to special interests of certain powerful cliauea. . . . In short. thirty Years of government regulation has been a total failure.“- Thus we see that Germany tried regulation for thirty years and finally gave it up in disgust. Germany now owns her own railroads and during the past twenty years of government ownership has nearly doubled the wages of the railroad employes; cut the freight rates in two; reduced the passenger fares in some instances to less than one-fifth of the former rates, and in spite of all this she made a net gain of $167,249,5622, which was turned into the national treasurv. Did we in America try LLregkation?‘9 Why bless you, that is THE thing with our leading Republicans and Democrats. Twenty-four years ago the solons in congress de- - clared that the railroads could be regulated, and gouging prevented by law and still retain private ownership. Accordingly the Interstate Commerce Law was enacted. “Surely the railroads will have to come to time,” they said. After sixteen years of trial and failure, the Interstate Commerce Law was wined off the nlatter and the Elkins bill mas substituted. A^ft.er four ye&s of trial, the BIkins law was declared a failure. Then the Hepburn law was tried for three years. It, like the rest, was proven to be a fizzle. Then the Taft Commission was put to work, and for nearly four years it has not accomolished anvthine. Now the kepublic&s and Democrats tell us they are goi& to wipe it off the map and try still other regulation laws. Along comes that big bunch of hot air, with a bag around it, Teddy, the bear hunter, and says -4men to the whole regulation business. And to think that you fool people haven’t got better sense than to vote for more private ownership of the railrbadi, and hence more regulation, when the experience of practically every modern nation on earth goes to show that government ownership-Socialism -is the only remedy. Honestly, now, do you intend to be d.^u ped in: to votlngfor more of the “REGULATION” Rot? 28 Corruption. So long as the failroads are in the hands of those who make profit from them, just so long will they corrupt the 1egisPators and the courts of the country, ‘as witness the Iollowing by Franklin B. Gowan, president of the Pennsylvania railroad, while addressing the committee on cornmerce of our National House of Representatives: “I have hetird the attorneys of the Pennsylvania railroad stand in the Supreme Court of Pennsylvania, and threaten that court with the displeasure of his clients if it decided against them.” J. D. Lawson, the famous law author, warns student.8 as follows. “So far as the law of carriers. is concerned, pay little attention to the Supreme Court of Pennsylvania. The Pennsylvania railroad appears to run that tribunal with the same success that it does its trains.” The president of a western railway recently said to Professor Parsons: “We’ve got to control the legislatures or they will control us. Rates, service investments, capital; ization, terminal facilities, labor conditions, combinationeverything in fact about the railroad business is stibject to the legislative pull. If we control the legislature the pull is our way; if not, it is likely to be the other w”sy. In any session of congress or the legislature of any state in shich our lines are located, a bill may be introduced that threatens our business in some way. It may be a bill in the interests of a rival system, giving them an advantage
- E;tu711 mean great gain for them, and great 10s~ perhaps
Or it may be a bill to fix rates, or subJect us to inco&enent surveillance or abolish grade crossings, or comDEd1 us to Drovide ’ automatic aDDliances. counlers. switches, etc., or-some other scheme that wili co& -IIS 6 lot of money. Or the bill may be simply some d-n grafter’s bid for blackmail under cover of an apparent public purpose to be b’ought oa. We’ve got to be ready to defend ourselves along the whole line. We must be able to stop adverse bills and put our own bills through. And to do this at reasonable cost it is often very dilllcult, for the d-n grafters have got so used to lumps of railroad money that they won’t vote for a railroad bill without the dough, even when we show them that the act is in perfect. harmony with the public interests.” Think of regulating railroads after such an open tenfession! Talk of being afraid that the. governmenf.w$~ be corrupt if the people owned the railways. ‘- - 29 When public utilities are privat,el;-owned, charges for services mu& be fixed either by the otvners-the selleror by the public- -the buyers.1 Human nature is such that neither can be wholly just to the other. Either capital will exploit the people or the people will exploit capital. In the end there is one just solution of the problem, and that is to make buyers and the sellers one and the l same. That’s public ownership. That’s Socialism. Regulation, thou art surely a “gay deceiver.” Through the initiative, referendum and recall it would be absolutely impossible to graft or corrupt either the peoale or the officials. (See article on this point in Monkeyes & MonkeyeMs.) PUBLIC OWNERSHIP. I wish to call the reader’s attention to the fact that -public ownership as commonly understood is not Socialism at all. Socialism means the public or common ownership of all the socially used means of production and distribution such as the land. factories, m&s, railroads, etc.. together with the democratic management and equal opportunity to use the same by all people. by means of the Initiative, Referendum and Recall. Socialism, therefore, once for all, guarantees that the workers themselves shall determine their hours of labor, the distribution of their products and the security of their emolovment. The public schools, postoffices, etc., are often spoken of as though they were socialism. These are socialistic only. So long as the government is administered by 8 polltical nartv controlled bv the canitalists. anv industries ad m<ni%tered by such a government canndt in -any way be said to be either an example of Socialism or steps toward Socialism, because as noted above they have nothing of democracy in their administration, or of equality of opportunity to become workers. Public ownership does not provide for the self-empIoyment and self-direction of all the workers. At this point lies the great fundamental difference between public ownership and Socialism. Public ownership proposes to start a business, to hire its labor in a competitive market at the lowest wape. and then make them subject to a hired boss who has ali to say, and by civil service examinations, to provide “jobs” only for those .who are better able. to live without them. 30 Under Socialism the workers owning the means of aroduction .and distribution would own their “jobs” and be their own boss and have all the say as to %ow, when and where.” Why should a man favor public ownership of street cars, telephones, etc., which at best beneiits the worker but a few cents per day and not favor the public ownership of all those industries upon which human life depends and by means of which the capitalists rob you of $2,020 per year. (Census bulletin No. 160 proves this statement true. 1 Already there is a well-defined movement by the capitalists to favor public ownership, sc the capitalists, after watering up their stock, can unload them on the government at five or mix times their actual worth and thus be assured of a splendid income at the expense of the workers. Practically the only point gained by public ownership is a concession in the argument for Socialism. “Do Socialists favor public ownership?” Yes, providing it is brought about by and for the working class--but that would be Socialism. This would spoil the soft snap of the idle capitalist and they will oppose it, might and main. If you are wise you will be in favor of taking over for public use everything by or through which rent, interest, or profit can be made. This would mean, .“LET *HE NATION OWN THE RAILROAD8 AS WELL AS ALL OTHER THINGS BY WHICH THE PEOPLE ARE EXPLOITED.” Dr. Chas. W. Stiles of the United States Public. Health Service ebefore the American Society for the Advancement of Science said: “I have never defended child labor as an abstract proposition, but when I compare child labor with child misery upon the soil polluted one-horse-and-a-mule farms with child labor in the southern cotton mills in spite of all their horrors, I am forced to the conclusion that the cotton mill is infinitely better than the former, and if it came to a choice between the two for my young daughter, now ten years old, my duty would compel me to choose for her a life in the room of the average cotton mill of the south in preference to a life of toil and misery on the aver- , age farm I have studied. I recognize in the cotton mill the best friend the poor southern farmers have,” 31 DO YOU KNOW WHY? (J. A. Wayland, Appeal to Reason Girard, Kans.) How do you know your party is right? Now does your republican neighbor know his party is right? How does your democratic neighbor know his party is right? Have they both studied political economy? If both old parties are right, haven’t they had years of control enough to demonstrate it? Why do they dispute about conditions and right and wrong if they are h&h right? , If conditions are right, why do we have law makers meet and try to adjust matters? Can you make right any righter? If the laws can prevent the rich from extorting great proflts from the poor, how does it come that the extortion is yet complained of? Do you find any better laws for the people in a republican state than a democratic state? Has any law ever passed that stopped the trusts from extorting from the common people? Are the trusts not stronger today than at any time in the history of the nation and of trusts? Could any law protect the people that did not take away the power of owners of industries to set the prices on wages and the price on goods put on the market? Can you think of any form of oppression that does not include the taking away from labor of the things labor produces? If you got the full value of all you produce in what other manner could you be oppressed? If the rich, or those who believe in private hands, make the laws. do vou think thev will make laws unfavorable to private -hoarding? If they did that what use or reason is there for the common people to have votes? What good would votes do for the common herd if the ’ others wanted laws in the interests of the majority who work? Did you ever read a work on political economics? If you haven’t, you don’t know enough to vote for your own intereate. 32 WBITLOCK AND HIS UNSOLI’BD PROBLEMS. An open letter to the Hon. Brand Whitlock, mayor ai Toledo, 0.. by W. F. Ries. Socialist candidate for mayor: Honorable Sir-We-deem it pertinent to ask you a few questions pertaining to the issues of this campaign with : the end in view of assisting the voters in casting an intelligent’ ballot at the coming municipal election. Isn’t it a fact. honorable mayor. that the voters of this city cannot live ai all without f&d; shelter and clothing? Isn’t it also a fact that to live properly the people should have education, entertainment, and above all the leisure and means to live free and happy lives? In order to obtain these things isn’t it necessary to have free access to the natnral resources as well as the mills and factories? Isn’t it also a fact that you and your predecessors’ Policies have now been in operation here. in Toledo fourteen years? If you are re-elected to the mayorship, will it make any difference to the people of Toledo? Will it increase the wages of the factsry workers? Will it shorten the hours of labor for the wage earners? Will it-do away with child labor? Will it restore the thousands of employed Toledo women--many of them widows--to their homes and .to their children? Will it purify the schools and clean up politics? Will it cut down the prices of groceries and meat? Will the trusts lower the prices on the hundreds of commodities which they own and control? Will clothing be made more substantial and’ will the workers be able to wear woolen goods in winjter? Will the housing of the toilers be any more decent and will they be able to own homes? Will it encourage the workers to foTm unions and will there be no more need for strikes? Will the unemployed be given a job at union wages? l Will the toilers have anything to say about the iurnber of hours they are to work Der day. or what waees thev are to receive, or whether they are to work at all?- - Now, honorable Mayor, you and your predecessors’ policies have been in full operation for fourteen years and you have not even attempted to solve any of the above problems. Don’t you think, honorable mayor, that it is, therefore, rather nervy on your part to ask the werkers to m-elect you? 33 Certainly that administration cannot be best which ignores the principal task of life, namely, making a living. Why is it, honorable mayor, that in every nation on earth those who do the most have the least. while those who do the least have the most? Why are all civilized nations cursed with panics, and hew do& it happen that during these panics in the United States we see millions of men denied the God-given right to work while three million children and seven million women are compelled to work long hours for a mere pittance? How does it come that since the average skilled mechanic can, with modern tools, produce twenty times as much as he could a century ago, that the worker doesn’t have twenty times as much? How does it happen that your party has never undertaken the task of solvinz these simnle nroblems? If fourteen years have elapsed without a single effort on your part, how long will it take you to solve these problems, considering that you have, as yet, not even formulated a plan? Isn’t it a fact, honorable mayor, that your policies and your party do not tend in t,he direction of the remedy? Pray, what are the real needs of the working class? Are they not the abolition of wage slavery, the control of . the means of life, the abolition of the uncertainty of employment, and the gaining for the workers the full product of t.heir toil? And if these are the real needs of labor, then I submit the Socialist platform as being the only one upon which the American working class can stand. Reduced to a few words, the Socialist platform means: That what the people use in common the people should own in common, and what the people use privately they should own privately. Isn’t it a fact, honorable mayor, that’only by the full control of the industrial as well as the political sit&ation N can the workers realize their needs? Isn’t it also a universally admitted fact that there e.re and can be but two systems of handling productive capital? The one, private ownership, the other, public ownership. Under private ownership any person is permitted to own a home or a million homes, a farm or a million farms, a factory or all the factories on earth. In fact, honorable mayor, you know of no law that will prevent any person from gobbling up the earth through rent, interest snd 34 profit, which are the trade marks of capitalism for which you stand. Of all parties, Socialists alone stand for Socialism. All other parties are fighting Socialism tooth and toe nail. Therefore, you and your followers who vote the Independent ticket must of necessity vote for capitalism. That means, honorable mayor, that you stand for the system which robs each worker of $5 out of every $6 which he produces by his own sweat and deprivation. This is not a mere statement. Census bulletin No. 150 shows that the average skilled meh’anic nroduces on an average $2.471 wort<of goods per year and receives in wages but’ $i37. Socialism would guarantee the worker the full net lroduct of his toil instead of one-sixth, as now. In other words, the toilers will get all they produce under Socialism. Anyone who wants more than he produces is a hog; anyone who willingly accepts less is an idiot, while anyone who asks the workers to vote for a continuance of this shell game is a fraud. The “rank and file” will determine to which of the above classification you belong, honorable mayor. Socialists have learned that all who are not for us are against us. Yes, we have learned the folly of voting for non-partisan or union labor candidates who vote the same ticket and believe in the same svstem as Rockefeller. August Belmont, Judge &&scup~ &is, Post and Bath gouse John. Socialists have long since learned the absurdity of voting for “good men” with bad principles, and we recognize fully that a vote for any candidate on any ticket other t.han the Socialist ticket is a vote for capitalism and against Socialism. This is true because all other candidates, regardless of whether they are good, bad or indifferent men, and all other parties. regardless of whether thev be Democrat. Republican, or so-called non-partisan, stand for the private ownership and against the collective ownership of the means of production; stand for the present system and the exploitation of the worker. Yes, honorable mayor, capitalism itelf produces the abuses which you mere reformers try to abolish. There is no certainty of performance in any reform which you may accomplish and the reason is clear to those who think. Capitalism is a system which enables one class to ride upon the backs of another clarss. Yen reformers, honorable tiayor, believe In the system, but you dop’t want the riders to bear down tcvo hard, 36 and JOU reformers also think it is unfair for the grafters to cilrnb upon the backs of the riders. In other-words, you sanction wholesale exploitation. but fight petty graftyou strain at a gnat but swallow ati elephant. The secret of the failure of all mefe reform schemes is that you reformers do not know in advance what you are going to do when elected. You reformers shoot in the dark and trust to luck. Here is where the Socialist program vindicates itself. It hits the mark the first time. Of all the political parties in the field the Socialist party .is the only one that knows what its representatives are going to do when elected. Not because they are any purer in private life, or more hb<est or more lovable in their family relations; but because the Socialists have a definite program to carry out, a definite nrincinle bv which thev are guided. and thes are elected ani exi&, for -that purpose and nothing else. - Legislators and officials take their orders from the class electing them. When the working class elects its own representatives it will no longer have to knock humbily at the doors of the halls of legislation and beg for justice as a favor. It will issue its orders and they will be obeyed. Yes, honorable mayor, we Socialists fully understand that the wage worker is not so much a victim of unjust administration as he is the victim of the monstrous capitalist system which literally forces him into degrading poverty. This is the issue before the voters of this city and nation. You can lower the rates of taxation to any extent here in Toledo and still not materially affebt the wage workers because 72 per cent of the people don’t own a home. You can reform your city administration, give what you call good government, without bettering the conditions of the great army of wage workers. The fact is they are robbed. Their wages are inadequate and everything they buy costs them several times what it ought to cost. The least of their taxes is what they pay into the city treasury. By far the larger amounts they pay to the idle, worthless landlords, tenement house speculators and other parasites. The bulk of their earnings are paid to the oil trust, the beef trust, the food trust, the coal trust, theiugar trust and other trusts too numerous to mention. For every bite of food they eat, for every garment they wear and every miserable shack that shelters them, they 36 pay a crushing tribute to worm than useless profit-takers. I. know. honorable mayor. YOU do not consider the capitalist system the issue in this-campaign. You, as heret& ore, will tell the people that the issue is the traction company. The franchise question has certainly been a godsend. It has enabled you to distract the people’s attention from the real issue. With this franchise buzz-a-boo vou have Drom&d to save tde workers a few cenjs while- permitting the trusts and monied interests to rob the workers of $3,034 per head per annum. Could greater deceDtion be Dracticed uDon a confiding people?. Isn’t it equivalent to stealing candy from a kid? The Franchise Ques;tion Proves 8 H~bng. I shall prove to you, prove, mind you, that should 3- cent fares be secured, it would benefit the workers next to nothing. There are two kinds of capitalists in every city who favor cheap car fare. One owns the factories; the other owns hovels and tenement houses. Now, honorable mayor, suppose that the people follow your advice and combine with the owners of the factories at one end of the line, and with the owners of the hovels at the other end of the line, for the purpose of securing S-cent fares. Would that greatly benefit the wage workers who constitute 90 per cent of Toledo’s DoDulation? Certainlv not. What the wage workers save in fares will be added to their rents at, one end of the line, or taken from their wages at the other. Such a solution of the franchise question is neither Socialism nor a step toward Socialism, because Socialism involves the organization, centralization and more perfect equipment oQ industry, together with the collective ownership, democratic management, and equal opportunity to the means of life. Street car lines, railways and postoffices are owned and operated by the government, have nothing of democracy in their administration or of equality of opportunity to become workers, which are essential features of the Socialist program. So long as government is administered by a political party, cohtrolled largely by capitalists, the wage workers will have nothing to say as to how many hours they shall work, how much they shall receive in wages, or the security of their jobs.
- None of the reform measures which you prop&e can
result, except in the most j.ndirect and round. about- way, iti a general elevation ef the working class;, and-me of them in auy way affect, unless it be injuriously, the question of the industrial emancioation of the workers from the galling yoke of capitalism. - Your attitude. in this franchise question seems p&- fectly satisfactory to the traction company, at least their official organ, the Blade, endorses you and concedes your election. And why shouldn’t it? The Traction company still collects 5-cent. fares and refuses universal transfers. What more could the company ask? If you continue ta put up a sham fight for 3-cent fares, the traction company will grow fat and your horde of odice seekers will have sinecures. Make hay while the sun shines for soon the people will waken. The makeshift measures which you advocate in the name of reform have been promised over and over again by all capitalist parties and have come as near fulfillment a8 they ever wiH through the agency of the capitalist abortion, the Independent Party. The Socialists are not opposed to the effort of the working clac; to better their condition here and now. BY readinz the Socialist ulatform. honorable mayor. you will see that it contains a- long list of immediate-de: mands which, if enacted into law, would help the toilers in the sweet hero and ;:7w. Following these demands the Socialist platform reads: “Such measures of relief as we may he able to force Irom capitalism are but a preparation of tho worker to seize the whole powers of gomvernment, in order that they may thereby lay hold of the whole syster?o of industry and thus come to their rightful inheritance.” Here is the portion of the Socialist program that gives it mcnnihy, emphasis, unity, and distinguishes it from the olatform of all other oarties. Everywhere the Socialist party has sought to improve conditions under which labor must live. For that reason the Socialist party stands for a host of measures within present society. On every question that arises the Socialist movement has something to say. . I Yet, while we recognize these things and their full importance, it must not -be forgotten that they are but a part of the Socialist movement oQ today and that iq themselves they lead nowhere. The DOint I wish to imoress UDQU vour mind. honorable mayor, is that the immediate demands in the~Socialist platform are but a means to an end-as but mia~r bat&a iI& the great class war. 88 There is a mighty sweep in the Socialist vision, the Socialist philosophy and the Socialist movemant. The spirit that has bound t.ogether the mighty hosts nf Socialism. that has insnired them with a devotion and a solidarity that has made-them the marvel aud the terror of their enemies, is not based upon the hope of gaining cleaner streets, %ublic ownership of a few franchises, the electi,en of honest councilmen, or the erection of signs at street corners, reading: “Don’t spit on the sidewalks.*’ If the toilers are satisfied with mere reforms--with crumbs-they will grow fewer and fewer. If they demand the whole loaf the crumbs will pour faster. Therefore the only sure and practical way to secure slight. relief is to determine to take all. To vote your ticket, honorable mayor, is to vote for a crumb, and means that the voter gets nothing. To vote the Socialist ticket means a vote for the whole loaf now and the whole bakery soof. The Class Struggle. All mere reform movements are supported by voters In all walks of life; regardless of their economic interests. Your Independent party, honorable mayor, is such an organization and is much desired by the captains of industry since it serves to befuddle the toilers. Socialists contend that the people are divided into two great classes, whose economic interests are diametrically opposed to each other. This is called the class struggle. Capitalists deny it. Evidently you deny it, or you would no longer prate about being impartial to both capital and labqr. Capital and labor can no more be served by the same administration, than water can both freeze and boil at the same time. The lines are clear enough between those “who plant vineyards and do not eat the fruit thereof.” and those who do no planting but do the eating nevertheless. The lines are clear enough between those who “build. houses and others inhabit, and those who build no houses but inhabit those which others build. The lines are clear enough between those who produce wealth which they are not permitted to enjoy and those who enjoy the products of others, but neither produce anything nor render any service of any sort or of any value to anyone. Honorable mayor, your Independent party can never do away with the economic classes so long as economic inequality of opportunity shall continue to produce the 39 . master and the servant, the millionaire and the tramp. the bondholder and the vagabond, the shirkers and the workers, those who live without working, and those who work without living. Honorable mayor, you should know that the economic class war made its beginning in the world as the result of barbarian wars of conquest. It began with the beginning of slavery. It changed its form in the interest of the master class to serfdom, and finally, in the interest of another class, into the wage system. The struggle has been fought from its beginning, through the various forms of servitude including capitalism, down’ to the present. Todav. canitalism is both the economic and nolitical expression of the interests of the masters, while %ocialism is equally the economic and political expression of the interests of the wage workers. The class struggle centers about the division of what the toilers produce. As before stated, the toilers produce on an average $2,471 worth df goods and get back but $437. If the toilers have good sense they constantly seek to increase their wages, and if they succeed the capitalists’ profits are less. The capitalists naturally seek larger profits, and if they succeed it must he at. the expense of the toilers. This, in a nutshell, is the class struggle. Socialists did not invent it, they simply point it out, and they have a remedy, namely, the abolition of capitalism. Can’t you see, honorable mayor. how unscientific and utterly imnossible it is to fiddle around with the Indenendent party,-knowing as you do that the interests of ail its members are not identical. Any measure you might propoee would benefit one portion but harm the other. A child should be able to see that. The conflict between the working class and the capitalist class is so desnerate. so determined. so fundamental. and must be so all-absorbing that in the fi@al encounter there can remain no standing ground for a third party in American politics. The capitallets, reinforced by such workers as they can mislead, through the workers’ ignorance of their own class interests, must constitute one party, and the working men who understand the nature of their own economic interests, and understanding how resistlese is their political power if they will only use it in their own behalf, must constitute the other party; and between these two there .can be no middle ground on which can be orgatixed the 40 forces of the third side of a triangular fight. The see-lose class war is nearin& a final crisis; and in that Anal conflict all those who are willing to seive in any way will be found together, and all those who, exact se&i&or wish to exact service, for which they wish tu render no corresponding service in return-all these wiil be found together. Between these two classes the economic and the political battle must be fought out to. a finish. There can be no compromise in the nature of the case. Your system of public ownership of a part of the public utilities will not deliver the wage workers from exploitation, it only shifts the place where he is robbed; it doesn’t stop the robbery. The power of the state has been used, ever since the end of barbarism, to extend and enforce monopoly, tryanny and inequality in the field, factory and workshop. Isn’t it absurd to contend that the public authority may be used, at the expense of all for the benefit of a part, but that theauthority of all may not be used by all for the benefit of all? The only remedy is the adoption of the full Socialist program, namely, the common ownership, democratic management, and equal oppotiunity by the many, o@ those things that the many must colle&ively.use. This, honorable mayor, and nothing else will establish VOUP famous Golden Rule as a Euide to be used week days ” - ~~- as well as Sundays. Sin&rely, W. F. RIES. Let the Nation Own the Trusts. Do you know why living expenses are so high? The law governs the poor, and the rich govern the law. Socialism means The Golden Rule against The Rule of Gold. . He that will not have new remedies will have new 0VilS. Do you know that 72 per cent of the American people do not own a home? Do you know WHY those who do nothing have every= thing, while thoee who do everything have nothing? The tramp is the complement of the millionaire. Mr. Roosevelt, you uphold the system that breeds both. The tie between the laborer and the master is still one of force, although it is not now one of visible chains. 41 Oh, here’s our old friend, Mr. World, a-straddle of a gun: He loves that little music book,-but murder is such fun! While songs of “Universal Peace’ are falling from his lips His navy yards are busy building bigger battleships. A cannon for a tuning-fork ti get the proper pitch, And death for all the under dogs and money for the rick A lot of silly twaddle in an arbitration court, And then another “Dreadnaught” and another frowning fort. A missionary crusade to the lands beyond the tides, And guns to shoot religion into their old stubborn hides! The World’s a bloody hypacrite and sings a drotted lie: The chorus of its Song of Peace is, “Keep Your Powder Dry!” James Larkin Pearson. 42 W’HY NATIONS DO NOT DISARM. The Armv and Navv Journal not only declares that “reduction of “armaments is a quixotic dream, hopeless as the abolition of war altogether. but also shows why it is so. .It says: “The problem of disarmament is complicated to an . alarming extent by economic (business) interests. So closely is militarism woven into the fabric of the modern industrial ’ world that its destruction would cause dislocation and a - chaos which neither capital nor labor is willing to contemplate. Disarmament wouid create a crisis in the laborworld in the IJnited States and Europe. The gulf between capital and labor could not be filled by disarmament.” This is a polite way of saying that the army and navy are merely tools which the capitalists employ for the robbery of labor and that war cannot end until capitalism is set aside. That is the truth and let me explain why. l,abor today receives in wages but one-fifth of what it produces (Census Bulletin No. 150 proves this.) It is therefore self-evident that the worker’s wages (l-5) cannot buy back his total product (5-5). The difference (4-5 1 must be sold abroad. All caoitalist nations are trying to find foreign markets in which to sell t.he goods they hbbed you workers of. To do this the capitalists find it necessary to have ‘armies and navies. You fool workers vote for a system that robs you and join the army and navy so you can scientifically kill each other ou a wholesale man. Why in the name of common sense donl’t you let the capitalists do their own killing if warfare is so glorious and patriotic? Think of you workers killing each other and protect the men who robbed YOU? Don’t vou think it time to auit making a martyr and a jackass of yourself? Read Jack London’s talk to soldiers. .--- JACX LONDON’S TALK TO SOLDIERS. “Young men: The lowest aim in your life is to be a soldier. The good soldier never tries to distinguish right from wrong. He never thinks, never reasons; he only obeys. If he is ordered to fire on his fellow citizens, on his friends, on his neighbors, on his relativee, the obeys without hesitation. If he is ordered to fire down a crowded street w-hen the poor are clamoring for bread, he obeys, 43 and sees the gray hairs of age stained with red and the life tide gushing from the breasts of women, feeling neither remorse nor sympathy. If he is ordered off as a firing squad to execute a hero or benefactor, he fires without hesitation. though he knows the bullet will pierce the noblest heart that ever beat in human breast. . “A good soldier is a blind, heartless, soulless, murderous machine He is not a man. He is not even b brute, for brutes only kill in self-defense. All that is human in him, all that is divine in him, all that constitutes the man has been sworn away when he took the enlistment roll. His mind, his conscience, aye, his very soul, are in the keeping of his officer. “No man can fall lower than a soldier-it is a depth beneath which we cannot go. Keep the boys out of the army. It is ‘hell.’ “Down with the army and navy. We don’t need killing institutions. “We need life-giving institutions. -- HOW TO HOSTLE FOR SOCIALISM. So many requests have been made for my methods of propaganda, and especially my house-to-house plan of distribution, that I have decided to reproduce it here. The following by Fred Warren appeared in the Appeal to Reason, Girard, Kan.: W. F. Ries, Worker for Socialism. “Perhaps the most unique character in Ohio is W. F. Ries. of Toledo the author of ‘Men and Mules.’ the first of a s&lee of propaganda pamphlets published anh distributed by him. I first met Ries in New Castle. Pa., where the comrades had arranged to hold a monster demdnstration in , the city park. After the meeting had been advertised it was learned that the park was private property and that one of the rules religiously adhered to was that no meeting of any kind, not even a religious meeting, could be held on Sunday, within the confines of the park. Comrade Ries was one of the committee on arrangements and when he learned this fact he promptly went across the road and rented a ten acre orchard from the farmer who owned the land. He was careful to secure a receipt for the payment of the money, giving him the use of the orchard for our meeting. A mounted Cossack pas a careful observer of Ries’ maneuvers, and on learning what had been done, turned. and galloped madly to the city of New.Castle. The meeting was pulled 44 off in the orchard, however,. Ries working like a whole squadron in circulating the time and place of the meeting among the thousands who had gathered in the park to help in the demonstration,. Ries is a wheel horse at selling literature. His methods are all his own, and they seldom fail to work succesefullv. He has distributed more than a. million copies ob his little booklet, and wherever you go you are confronted by the familiar picture of the tailless mules on the cover of his most successful pamphlet. Not only is Ries a hustler himself, but he has a facUQy of enlisting others in the work. I requested him to write for the readers of the Appeal a short article detailing his methods of propaganda. The article herewith follows:” Dear Comrade Warren:--Complying with your request for .my plan of advancing Socialism among thinking men I submit the following as a partial list of. methods which I have tried and found successful: The spreading of Socialism naturally divides itself into three parts, viz: Agitation, education and organization. Agitation should precede education even as organization follolws education. To illustrate what is meant by “agitation,” I took _ twenty thousand of the leaflects, “On to Washington,” and handed them to the men as they passed into the factory &a&+-not as thev DaSsed out. I discovered that the circuiars were read and discussed if handed to them as they passed into the factories, but were largely thrown away if handed out as they left the factory. At the same time I rubber-stamped on each leaflet the place and date of my next hall meeting, besides announcing that I would give them a noon-day speech. I also tacked up large posters at every available spot leading to the factory. Of course this necessitated getting out at five in the morning, but to see old Sol and the sun of Socialism make a double ascexmion was ample reward. I launched a special circular headed, “W. J. Bryan the great commoner and friend of the working class, will have my vote, providing he answers the following questions.“ After asking him stunninsg questions, the circular wound up with, “Socialism in Brief.” Twenty-five thousand of these were handed out as the democrats passed into the Toledo ball park to hear Bryan. It was a sight for the gods to see them reading it while waiting for Bryan’s arrival. It was also a sight fit for any old god to see the mob with &ale eggs and ropes get after Ire at Bowling Green, Ohio, where I distributed ten thousand more. After my Mt. Vernon, Ohio, arrest, I prepared a large f&-page circular with the caption, “W. F. Ries Arrested.” I copied the Appeal notice of my arrest and wound UP the circular with an argument for Socialism. The time for distribution before election being short, I stationed myself at the principal transfer points in Toledo and mounted each street car as it passed, handing them to passengers. Practically every working man in the city was thus reached in less than four days. While lecturing in Cincinnati I gave every one (1,400 striking miners) a-copy of my book. A marked copy of “Monkeyetteg’ containing a special chapter on “War- Cause and Cure,” was given each of the eight thousand national soldiers during their encampment at Toledo last summer. Two other forts will be treated to the same literature shortly. The following caption, comment and cut appeared in a leading Toledo daily paper: W. F. Ries, Socialist Candidate for Mayor of Toledo on stump. “Standing in’the rear of his automobile W. F. Ries. SOcialist candid&e for Mayor, talked to an immense crowd at the plant of the Overland Automobile Company yesterday noon and was enthusiastically greeted. Mr. Ries, despite the inclement weather, delivered addresses in various sections of the citv. He told of the rreat nrogress made by the Socialists oi Milwaukee. He was war&-received by a crowd of over four thousand factory hands.” Most Socialists fail to take advantage of the many opportunities to get Socialism before the public. Ev&ry community presents its own peculiar opportunities for boosting a Socialist meeting which must be eeized by the Local Comrades. Lacking ward organization in Toledo, it was necessary to advertise my own meetings, which I did as follows: The photo shows me talking to a noon-day crowd of over four thousand men at the factory of the Overland Automobile Company. I was on hand’at 6 o’clock in the morning and had posters tacked up for blocks on every telegraph post, bullaing and fence in the neighborhood of this factory. I consider that one piece of literature handed to men as they pass INTO the factory is worth’ a dozen pieces handed to them as they pas’s OUT. I had a large banner hoisted over my a‘uto reading: “The Next Mayor of Toledo Will Speak Here at Noon To- 46
day.” In a fog-horn voice I yelled to the men to “be sure and hear me at noon, as I intended to explain why it is that in all nations those who do the most have the least, while those who do the least have the most,” and similar ePigl% IQs. This, together with my booklets which I handed out, caused them to discuss Socialism at odd times during factory hours. - At night I plan to have a hall meeting in the neighbor- - hood of the day meeting. I always announce the evening meeting at these noon-dav meetings. It does more good than a-thousand hand-bills and co&s nothing. I always keep banners fastened to my auto and pass through the dotin-town district when the streets are throng ed, tooting my horn like mad. This kind of work, plus the mayorship banner, frequently brought me a crowd of two thousand people on a Saturday night in front of the postoftlce. With the aid of my charts, which I always use even on the street, I have held the crowd for over two hours, on cold, windy nights. The psychology is that the banners and charts attract the people and this gives the speaker a chance to get in his work. I cannot urge the Comrades too strongly to sell tickets in advance for all hall meetings. My experience as a lecturer is that at leaet double the crowd will turn out to a paid admission meeting than if free, besides the Local will have funds with which to meet expenses and purchase literature. To insure a thorough distribution of hand-bills and window-display cuts of speakers I frequently use the following, which, by the way, should interest those Comrades who are using the National Lvceum Lecture courses. Let the secretary-call the Comrades together and hand each one as many posters as he will pledge to distribute. If every such Comrade would ask his butcher, grocer, laundryran, clothier, coal dealer, etc., etc., to put one in his store and leave it there, he would do it in nine cases out of ten, and if not, tell him you know a man across the way w-ho wants your trade so badly that he has offered to KEEP the bills on display in his window until after the lecture. As one of the Lyceum lecturers I used the above plan which greatly increased. the attendance at subsequent meetings. This is the scheme. Don’t fail to try it and while you are there sell these merchants a ticket. A fresh supply of bills should be tacked up every few days to replace those torn down. Don’t depend entirely on a “committee’* for this work. Let each Comrade be a 48 “committee” of .‘one.” and see to it that at least “one” of that committee is worthy to be called a Socialist. Newspapers, if properly approached, will generally. give you a reasonable amount of free advertising. For instance, I issued a challenge to my three mayoralty candidates to debate the issues of the campaign. None accepting, I wrote an open letter tc Mayor Whitlock. It was published in our local Socialist paper and then I had it copied in the Sunday edition of a local paper, which gave it% thirty-two thousand additional readers. This capitalist paper used large display headlines, my photo and nearly a whole page for this one article! In addition to the literature and books -given out at the various morning, noon-day and night meetings, my series of books were left from house to house on the Milwaukee plan and offered for sale. Those not sold were gathered up and re-distributed in other parts of the city. As a result of this campaign of education our Toledo vote increased over SEVEN HUNDRED PER CENT. Y5!Y. 700 PER CENT. This remarkable gain was made in spite of the heretofore invincible Golden Rule Jones’ successor, Brand Whitlock. Learn a lesson from Toled~istrihnte booka and other literature and Capitalism will vanish. A Few Details of the House-to-House Distribution. The miscellaneous distribution of dodgers, the noonday and street meetings as well as hall meetings’are “Agitational.” The real work of education I accomplish by a systematic house-to-house distribution of booklets and other literature. Literature for a house-to-house distribution should be written in SERIES like a first,, second and third reader, if you please. My booklets are all written on this plan; that is, in SERIES. I first cover a street, precinct or ward with “Men and Mules.” On the cover of each booklet I stamp the following: inspection. ‘This book is left for your careful The agent will call for it within a week. No charge whatever is made for its use. it the price is ten cents.” If you wish to keep As I ‘gather “Men and Mules” 1’ leave a copy of “Monkeys and Monkeyetts” and later follow up with “Lions and Lambs,” “Heads and Hands,” and other literature. From ten to fifty per cent of the literature thus left at the houses will be sold. The advantage of a house-to-house distribution is th.at you get an opportunity to solicit subscriptions for Socialist papers, besides urging new converts to join the party. Many converts dare not join the party for fear of losing 49 their jobs. A goodly number will contribute regularly to the cause nevertheless. Where a flying squadron can not be organized a good plan is to have the looal assign a certain street and Precinct to a given comrade and then furnish him with litherature as needed. Haphazard anld piecemeal distribution of literature is largely wasted. The “follow-up” plan is the only one worth considering. At the Fred Warren meeting I mounted a large banner on a seven-foot pole, hired a newsboy to’hold it upright at one of the principal street comers, and then pointing at the sign I yelled like a Comanche Indian, “Read the sign.” Durine lecture trios I never consider my work complete until I have organized the comrades into a flying squadron, for house-to-house distribution. At indoor meetings I sell literature as the people enter, for the reason that you catch them one at a time and have a better opportunity to nresent the merits of the books being sold. Comrades, you don’t know what you can do until you try. The recent Socialist victories have created a desire to know more about Socialism. It’s up to you to see that he gets it. We can have Socialism whenever we go after it. Large audiences of non-Socialists can be assembled to hear our message from the lips of our speakers. Do YOUR ,part and success is assured. Have you read by latest book, “‘ROOSEVELT EXPOSES SOCIALISM?” For the past five years I have been planning to publish a book that every one would read. At last I have succeeded. It is called “Roosevelt Exposes Socialism.” The moment you see it you will start reading it and you won’t eat or sleep until you have finished. It is strictly B Socialist book, but it is so c,leverly disguised that I / guarantee it to catch everv Anti-Socialist Sucker that aets an eye on it: He’ll swallow bait, hook, sinker, pole and-all. . It’s exactly the book to hand the fellow who won’t read anything bearing the Socialist label. I Ten cents brings you a sample of this remarkable book. Read it and you wifl wlsnt a thousand of them to distribute in your part of the country. Don’t forget that Moukeyettes, “Men and Mules,” “Monkeys and ” 6d&io~ and Lambs,** 66Hesds and Hands” and %ees and Butterflies” are still going out by the million. Address all orders direct to the author: W. F. RIRS, / BOX 66, Station “F” ’ TOLEDO, OHIO. 50 1 - TITLE DEEDS TO LAND. By Herbert Spencer. Every intelligent man or woman has heard of Herbert Spencer, the great philosopher, but few have read him. All they know of him is the sound of his name. The following is the famous. ninth chapter of his “Social Statics,” which has done more to arouse the people of the earth to the enormity of the Roman land law, which all “civilized” nations now use, than any other same number of words ever written. The English aristocracy forced him to leave this chapter out of the later editions of the book, but its truths are so self-evident that once understood can never be expunged from the reason of men. Given a race elf beings having like clajms to pursue the objects of their desires-given a world adapted to gratiflcation of those desirea world into which such beings are similarly born, and it unavoidably follows that they have equal rights to the use of this world. For if each of them “has freedom to do all that he wills, provided he infringes not the equal freedom of any other,” then each of them iS free to use the earth for the satisfaction of his wants, provided he allows all others the same liberty. And conversely: it is manifest that no one, or part of them, may use the earth in mch a way as to prevent the rest from similarly using it; seeing that to do th& is to aesume greater freedom than the rest, and consequently, to break the law Equity, therefore, does not permit property in land. For if ONE portion of the earth’s surface may justly become the possession of an individual, and may be held by him for his sole use and benefits, as a thing to which he has an exclusive right, then OTHER portions of the earth’s surface may be so held; and eventually the WHOLE of the earth’s surface may be so held and our planet may thus lapse altogether into private hands. Observe the dilemma to which this leads. Supposing the entire habitable globe to be enclosed, it follows that if the.land owners 3ave a valid right to its surface, all who are not land owners have no right at all to its surface. Hence, such can exist on the earth by sufferance only. They are all trespassers. Save by the rermission of the lords of the soil they can have no room for the soles of their feet. Nay, should the other think fit to deny them a resting place, these landless men might-equltably be expelled from the earth altogether. If, then, the assumption that land can be held as property involves that the whole globe may become the priva%e domain of a part of its inh’abitants; and if, by consequence, the rest of its inhabitants can then exercise their faculties--can then exlst, even-only by consent of the land-owners; it is manifest that an exclusive posse&on of the soil nece&tates an in- 61 fringement of the law of equal freedom. For, men who cannot “live and move and have their being” without the leave of others, cannot be equally free with those -others. . Passing from the consideration of the possible to that of the actual, we find yet further reamn to deny the rectitude of property in land. It can never be pretended that the existing titles to such property are legitimate. Should any one think so, let him look in the chronicles. Violence. fraud, the prerogative qf force, the claims of superior cunning- these are the sources to which those titles may be traced. The original deeds were written with the sword, rather than with the pen; not lawyers, but soldiers,, were the convevancers: blows were the current coin given in payment; and fo; seals, blood was used in prefe;ence to wax. Could valid claims be thus constituted? Hardly. And if not, what becomes of the pretensions of all subsequent holders of estates so obtained? Does sale or bequest eenerate a rieht where it did not nreviously exist? Would the original claimants be non-suited at thk bar of reason because the thing stolen from them had changed hands? Certainly not. And if one act of transfer can give no title, can many? No; thdugh nothing be multiplied forever, it will not. oroduce ONE. Efen the law recognizes this nrinciple. -bn existing holder must, if called upon, substantiate -the claims of those from whom he purchased or inherited his property, and any flaw in the original parchment, even though the property should have had a force of intermediate owners, quashes his rights. “Rut. time.” s&v some. “is a great legalizer. Immemorial possessiog mu& be ~taken~ to conet%ute a legitimate claim. That which has been held from age to age as private property, and has been bought and sold as such, must now be considered as irrvocably belonging to individuals.” To which proposition a willing assent shall be given when its propounders can assign it a definite meaning. To do this, however, they must find satisfactory answers to such questions as, How long does it take for what was originally a WRONG to grow into a RIGHT? At what rate per annum- do invalid claims become valid? If a title gets perfect in a thousand years, how much more perfect will it be in two thousand years?--and so forth. For the solution of which they will require a new calculus. Whether it may be expedient to admit claims of a certain standing, is not the point. We have here nothing to do with consideration of conventional privilege or leggslative convenience. We have simply to inquire what ie 62 the verdict given by pure equity in the matter. And this verdict enjoins a protest against every existing pretension to the individual possession of the soil; and dictates the assention that the right of mankind at large to the earth’s surface is still valid; all deeds, customs and laws notwithstanding. . Not only have present land tenures an indefensible origin, but it is impossible to discover any mode in which land CAN become private property. Cultivation is commonlv considered to aive a legitimate title. He who has reclaimed a tract of &ound from its primitive wildness is supposed to have thereby made it his own. l3ut if his right is disputed, by what system of logic can he vindicate it‘! Let us listen a moment to his pleadings: “Hello, you sir,” cries the cosmopolitan to some backwoodsman, smoking at the door of his shanty, “by what authority do you take possession of these acres that YOU have cleared, ‘round which you have put up a snake-fence and on which you have built this log house?” ‘By what authority?” I squatted here because there was no one to say nay-because I was as much at liberty to do so as any other man. Besides, now that I have cut down the wood, ploughed and cropped the ground, this farm is more mlne than yours or anybody’s, and I mean to keep. it.” “Ay, so you all say. But I do not yet see how you have substantiated your claim. When you came here you found the land producing trees-sugar maples, perhaps, or maybe it was covered with prairie grass and wild strawberries. Well, instead of these, you have made it yield wheat, maize or tobacco. Now, I want to understanh how, by ezterminating one set of plants and making the soil bear another set in their place, you have constituted yourself lord of this soil for all succeeding time.” “Oh, those natural products which I destroyed were of little or no use, whereas I caused the earth to bring forth things good&or food-things that help to give life and hapnineas.” “Still. you have not shown why such a process makes the portion of earth you have so modified yours. What is it that you have done? You have turned over the soil to a few inches in depth with a spade or a plough; you have . scattered over this oreoared surface a few seeds. an!d vou have gathered the fruits which the sun, raineand air helped the soil to produce. Just tell me, if you please, by what magic have these acts made you sole owner of that vast mass of matter, having for its base the Mrface..of your estate and for its apex the center of the globe? all of which, it appears, you would monopolize to yourself and your descendants forever.” “Well, if it isn’t mine, whose is it? I have dispos sessed nobody. When I crossed the Mississippi yonder I found nothing but the silent woods. Jf some one else had settled here, and made this clearing, he would have as good a right to the location as I have. I have done nothing but what any other person was at liberty to do had he come before me. Whilst they were unclaimed these lands belonged to all men-as much to one as to another-and they are now mine simply because I was the first to discover and improve them.” “You say truly when you say that whilst they were unreclaimed these lands belonged to all men. And it is my duty to tell you tliat they belong to all men still, and that your improvements, as you call them, cannot vitiate the claim of all men. You may plough and harrow, and SOW and reap: you may turn over the soil as often as you like: but all your manipulations will fail to make the soil Yours which was not vours to beein with. Let me nut a case. Suppose, now, that in the course of your wanderings YOU come upon an empty house. which, in spite of its dilapi-’ dated state, takes your fancy; suppose that with the intention of making it your abode you exnend much time and trouble in repairing i&-that -you paint and paper and whitewash, and at considerable cost bring it into a habitable state. Suppose. further, that on some fatal day a stranger is announced, who turns out to be the heir to which the douse has been bequeathed: and that this profeesed heir is prepared for all the necessary proofs’of his identity: what becomes of your improvements? Do they give you a valid title to this house? Do they quash the title of the original claimant?” “No.” “Neither, then, do your pioneering operations give you a valid title to this land. Neither do they quash the title of the original claiman@+-the human race. The world is God’s bequest to mankind. All men are joint heirs to it; you amongst the number. And because you have taken UP your residence on a certain part of it, and have subdued, cultivated, beautified that part-improved it, as you say, YOU are not therefore warranted in aoorooriatina it as endirely private property. At least, if you do so, y%u may at any moment be justly expelled by the lawful owner-Soclety.” “Well, but surely yaa would not eject me &out 64 , / making some recompense for the great additional value I have given to this tract by reducing what was a wildernese into fertile fields. You would not turn me adrift and de prive me of all the benefit of those years of toil it has coet me to bring this epot to its present state?” “Of course not; just as in the case of the house, you would have an equitable title to compemvation from the proprietor for repairs and new fittings, so the community cannot justly take possession of this estate without paying for all that you have done to it. /This extra worth which your labor has imparted to it is fairly yours; and although you have, without leave, busied yourself in bettering what belongs to community, yet no doubt the community will duly discharge your claim. But admitting this is quite a different thing from equitable distribution. ‘Why.’ it may be asked, ‘should come the exclusive possession of individuals by some process recognizinlg your right to the land itself?’ It may be true that you are entitled to the compensation for the improvements this inclosure has received at your hands; and at the same time it may be equally true that no act, form, proceeding or ceremony can make this incloeure your private property.” If all are co-heirs, why may not the estate be equally apportioned, and each be afterwards perfect master of his own share? To this question it may in the Arst place be replied that such a division is vetoed by the ditliculty of fixing the values of respective tracts of land. Variations in productiveness, different degrees of accessibility, advanages of climate, proximity to the centers of civilization-these and other such considerations remove the problem out of the sphere of mere mensuration into the region of lmposslbility. But, waiving this, Ict us inquire who are to be the allottees? Shall adult males, and all whe have reached twenty-one on a specified day, be the fortunate individuals? If so, what Is to be done with those who come of age on the morrow? 1s it proposed that crrch man, woman and child shall have a section? If so, what becomes of all who are born next year? And what will be t.he fate of those whose fathers sell their estates an,d squander the proceeds? These portionless ones must constitute a class already described as having no right to a resting place on,earth-as living by thhfssufferance of their fellow-men-as being practically . And the existence of such a class is wholly at variance with the law of equal freedom. Until, therefore, we can produce a valid commission 55 authorizing us to make this distribution-until it can be proved that God has given one charter of privileges to one generation and another to the next-until we can demonstrate that men born after a certain date are domed to slavers. we must consider that no such allotment is uermisslble. Probably some will regard the diWculties inseparable from individual ownership of the soil. as caused by pushing to excess a doctrine applicable only -within rational limits. This is a favorite style of thinking with some. There are people’ who hate anything in the- shape of exact conclu, dons; and these are of them. According to such, the right is never in the extreme, but always half way between the extremes. They are continually trying to reconcile .YES and NO. Ifs and buts and exceuts are their delizht. Ther have so great a faith in “the judicious mean,“that they would scarcely believe an oracle, if it uttered a full length principle. Were you to inquire of them whether the earth turns on its axis from East to West, or West to East, you _ might almost exnect the realv-“a little of both.” or not ex&tiy, either. it is doubtfil whether- they would’asEent to the axiom that the whole is greater than its part, without making making some qualificationc They have a passion for compromises. To; I&& ‘their taste, Truth must always bp spiced with a little Error. They can not conceive of a pure, definite, entire and unlimited law. And hence, in dis cussions like the present, they are constantly petitioning for limitations-always wishing to abate, and modify and moderate-ever protesting against. doctrines being pursued to their ultimate consequences. Rut it behooves us to recollect that ethical truth is as exact and as peremptory as physical truth, and that in this matter of land tenure, the verdict of morality must be distinctly YEA or NAY. Either men HAVE a right to make the soil private property, or they HAVE NOT. There is no medium. We must choose one of the two positions. There can be no half and half.opinion. In the nature of things the fact must be either one way or the other. If men HAVE NOT such right, we are at once deliv- - ered from the several predicaments already pointed out. If they HAVE such a right, then is that right aboslutely sacred, not on any pretense to be violated? If they have such a right, then is his Grace of Leeds justified in warning off tourists from Ben Mac Dhui, the Duke of Atholl in closing Olen Tilt, the Duke of Beccleuch in denying sites to the Free Church, and the Duke of Sutherland in banish- 56 ing the Highlanders to make room for sheep walks? If they HAVE such a right, then it would be proper for the sole proprietor of any kingdom--a Jersey or Guernsey, for example-to impose just what regulations he might choose on its inhabitants-.-to tell them that they should not live on his property unless they professed a certain religion, spoke a particular language, paid him a specified reverence, adopted an authorized dress! and conformed to all other conditions he might see fit to make. If they HAVE such a right, then is there truth in that t&et of the ultra Tory school, that the land owners are the only legitimate rulers of a country-that the people at large remain in it only by the land owners’ permission, and ought consequently. submit to the land owners’ rule and respect whatever institutions the land owners set UD. There is no escane from these inferences. They are necessary corollaries to the theory that the earth can become individual property. And they can only be repudiated by denying that theory. After all. nobody does implicitly believe in landlordism. We hear of estates beina held- under the kina. that is the state; or of their being kept in trust for the-public benetit, and not that they are the inalienable possession of their ‘nominal owners. Moreover, we daily deny landlordism by our legislation. If a canal, a railway, or a turnpike road is to be made, we do not scruple to seize just as many acres as may be requisite, allowing the holders compensation for the capital invested. We do not wait for consent. An act of parliament supercedes the authority of title deeds, and serves proprietors with notices to quit, whether they will or not. Either this is equitable or it is not. Either the Dubk are free to resume as much of the earth’s surface as they think iit, or the titles of the land owners must be considered absolute, and all national works must be postponed until lords and squires please to part with the requisite slices of their estates. .If we decide that the claims of individual ownershin must give wav. then we imply that the right of the nation at large to -the soil is supreme- that the right of private possession only exists by general consent-that general consent being withdrawn it ceases---or, in other words, that it is no right at all. “But to what does this doctrine, that men are* equally entitled to the use of the earth, lead? Must we return to the times of unenclosed wilds, and subsist on roots, berries and game? Or are we to be left to the management of Messrs. Fourier, Owen, Louis Blanc & Co.?” Neither. Such a doctrine is consistent with the high- 67 eat state of civilization: map be carried out without involving a community of good& and need cause no very serious revolution in existing arrangements. The chanlge re- . quired would simply be a change of landlords. Sepanate ownerships would merge into the joint-stock ownership of the Dublic. Instead of being in the uossession of individ-: uals; the country would be h&d by the great corporate body -Society. ‘Instead of leasing his acres from an isolated proprietor, the farmer would lease them from the nation. Instead of Dayinn his rent to the agent of Sir John or His Grace. he Would-Day it to an agent-or deDutv agent of the community. Stewards would be public &c~a.ls-insteird of private ones, and tenancy the only land-tenure. A state of things so ordered would be in perfect harmony with the moral law. Under it all men would be equally landlords: all men would be alike free to become tenants. A, R, C, and the rest might compete for a vacant farm as now, and one of them might take that farm without in any way violating the principles of pure equity. All would be equally free to bid: and all would be equally free to refrain. And when the farm had been let to A, B,-or C, all parties would have done that which they willed---the one in choosing to pay a given sum to his fellow men for the use of certain lands-the others in refusing to Day that Bum. Clearly, therefore, on such a tiTstem, the earth might be enclosed, occupied and cultivated, in entire subordination to the law of eoual freedom. No doubt great-difficulties must attend the resumption by mankind at large, of their right to the soil. The question of compensation to existing proprietors is a complicated one--one that DerhaDs cannot be settled in a strictlv equitable manner. aad we to deal with the Darties whb originally robbed the human race of its heritage, we might make short work of the matter. But unfortdnately. most of our present land owners are men who have, either mediately or immediatelydither by their own acts, or by the acts of their ancestoegiven for their estates equivalents of honestly earned wealth, believing that they were lnvesting their savings in a legitimate manner. To justly e&imate and liquidate the claims of such is one of the most intricate problems society will one day have to mlve. But with this perplexity and our extrication from it. abstract morality has no concern. Men, having got themselves into the dilemma by disobedience to the law, must get out of it as well as they can, and with as little injury b the landed class as may be. 58 Meanwhile we shall do well to recollect that there are others besides ‘the landed class to be oonsidered. In our tender regard for the vested interests of the few, let us not forget that the rights of the many are in abeyance, and must remain so as long as the earth is monopolized by individuals. Let us remember, too, that the injustice thus inflicted on the mass of mankind is an injustice of the gravest nature. The fact that it is not so regarded proves nothing. In early phases of civilization, even homicide is thought lightly of. The suttees of India, together with the practice elsewhere followed of sacrificing a hectacomb of human victims at the burial of a chief, shows this; and probably cannibals consider the slaughter of those whom “the fortunes of war” has made their prisoners, perfectly justifiable. It was once also universally supposed that slavery was a natural and quite legitimate institution-a condition into which some were born, and to which they ought to submif. as to a divine ordination; nay, indeed, a great propartfon of mankind hold this opinion still. A higher social development, however, has generated in us a bet&r faith, and we now to a considerable extent recognize the claims of humanity. But our civilization is only partial. It may by and by be perceived that Equity utters dictates to which we have not listened: and men may then learn that to denrive others of their rights to the u.se of the earth, is to commit , ’ a crime inferior only in wickedness to the crime of taking away their lives or personal liberties. Briefly reviewing the argument, we see that the right of each man to the use of the earth. limited onlr bv like rights of his fellow- men, is immediately deducible-from the law of equal freedom. We see that the maintenance ef this right necessarily forbids private property in land. On examination, all existing title to such property turn out to be invalid; those founded on reclamation inclusive. It appears that not even an equal apportionment of the earth amongst its inhabitants could generate a legitimate proprietorship. We And that if pushed to its ultimate conaequences. a claim to exclusive possession of the soil involvesa Iand-owning despotism. We further find that such a claim is constantly denied by the enactments of our legis- ‘. lature. And we find, lastly, that the theory of co-heirship l of all men to the soil is consistent with the highest civllisation; and that, however q@cult it may be to embody that theory in fact, Equity sternly commands it to be done. 69 . , BANKING AND -BI;NcOMBE. Few people have given our banking system serious study. The masses generally regard banks as semi-sacred institutions and bankers as the especially annointed. Yet no institution of modern times is so scientifically arranged for gouging the people. The robber barons and pirates of old were white-robed angels in comparison with a modern American banker, when it comes to using a neat system for extracting the coin from the toilers. Let me show you how easy it is for a banker to get all the money he wants from Uncle Sam for nothing (the one per cent he pays is for the cost oC printing, etc.) In order to get $100,060 in cash, the banker takes a 100,000 United States bond to Washington and deposits it with the United States treasurer (remember that these bonds still belong to the banker and draw from 2 to 4 per cent interest, payable to the banker quarterly.) The treasury department in turn issues the banker $100,000 worth of national bank notes (ordinary paper money such as you see every day in circulation.) These national bank notes the banker takes home with him and places them in his bank vault. Then he is ready to loan this money out to the dear people. These “dear people” pay it out to other “dear people,” who deposit it in his bank again. Other “dear people” borrow it of him again. These pay it out to still others, who.in turn deposit it once again in his bank. This process, this endless chain, is repeated over and over again. These deposits of the “dear people” have been loaned over and over so many times that, according to the last report of the comntroller of the currency, the total deposits of all banks was $14,106,0OC,OOO. The last report of the secretary of the treasury shows that all the money of all kinds ever isued in this nation amounts to only $3,428,602,048, one-tenth of which is still in the treasury and at least onethird is circulating among the people. This means that the banks’ hold less than $2,000,000,000 of actual cash. Suppose that all the people should at once demand the return of their more than 314,000,000,000 deposits? The banks could pay back less than $1 of every $7. What would you think of a grain elevator that would issue receipts for seven times as many bushels of wheat as existed . in the nation? Yet bankers owe their delrositors seven times as much as the entire money in all banks. Yet you chime in with a loud amen when bankers speak of their sound banks. Oh, you are SO easy. During a panic banks “bust” like fire crackers. How 60 can it be otherwise under such a banking system? National banks, with a capital as small as $25,000, may be started. Therefore, twenty-five men with a little nerve can borrow $1,000 apiece and buy a government bond for $25,000 and start a bank. As soon as these bonds are deposited with the treasury department, that office will issue to the bank $25,000 in bank notes. The bank opens its doors and the people rush in to deposit their money. Then each of the twenty-five men who started the bank borrow $1,000 each and pay back their friende who in turn deposit the same in the bank and the thing is done The majority of banks are started. by just this method. Isn’t it great-for the bankers? You fool workers foot the bill. Money loaned over and over again, as explained above, is a wealth gatherer-for the banker. Witness the Central Trust company of New York, which just declared a dividend of 200 per cent. It has a capital of $l,OOO,OOO and since starting business in 1875 has paid stockholders $17,600,000 in dividends. By this system of banking the same trust company made a total profit of $35.3.79,697. Its latest dividend was $2,OOO,OOU net after paying immense rent, high salaries, etc.?. etc. If this doefm’t beat ordinary highway robbery what does? NOT is this the only bank to declare high dividends- The First National Bank of New York paid a dividend of 1900 per cent on a capital of $500,000. Its capital wae immsdiately raised to $lO,OOO,OOO and yet during the panic year of I9U8 it paid 100 per cent dividend. All this wealth comes from labor, mental and physical. Therefore. INTEREST is one form of gouging. Know this all, you Democrats, Republicans, Independents, Teddyites or what not. Not content with the old banking law which permitted the bankers to make the immense profits shotin above, a new law was passed last year known as the Aldrich-Vreeland law. This law authorizes any bank of issue to deposit at Washington any old bond, anything from government bonds down to the flimsiest mining scheme bonds. Notice the bills that pass through your hands and you will find that many of them are bank notes bearing the legend, “secured by government bonds or other securities.” The government will not receive them for public debt, internal revenue or other things due it. This repudiation by the government appears on the back. The phrase, “other securities,” telIs the tale_ of the most stupendous infamy of the ages. Bankers are permitted to take these worthless 61 bonds, deposit them at Washington, get their full face value in currency, while still owning the bonds and drawing interest on them. What is to prevent the big corporations from continuing to water their stock and then depoeiting those worthless securities for more new-fangled currency? Millions of this wild-cat money is now in circulation and billions- more will make its appearance. ThSnk of basing money-the nation’s life blood--on watered, worthless bonds! Henrv Clews the Wall street banker. in an article dated August 7, &ys: “More than $l,OOO,bOb,OOO of new securities were issued during the last six months.‘* This is just that much more watered stock with which to fleece “Uncle Samuel” out of one billion more paper money. Remember that there is no tangible property back of any watered stock. It is pure swindle. Nothing less. Postal &wings Banks. Did it ever occur to you that a large majority of the American neoole have for vears demanded uostal savinzs banks? Did it ever occur to you that what the politicia& gave you as savings banks are a big joke? Did it ever occur to YOU that J. P. Morgan has organized a banking trust to control the deposits that are to be brought in through these postal banks? Under the law the government will merely collect the deposits of the many and give them into the hands of the trust, which has the power to use them in buying newly issued industrial stocks and bonds, and when these securities are deposited with the government new currency is issued against them. The scheme doubles the inoney of the banking trust at the expense of the postal bank depositors. Thus have,the postal savings banks been converted into sewers for collecting the petty savings of the workers to enrich the Morgan banking trust. Did it ever occur to you that the United States of America is the only country in the world, except Turkey and Spain, that has not a genuine postal savings bank? Did it ever occur to you that every little dinky postoffice in the Philippines is a bank of deDosit for the oeoule’~vinas? Did it ever occur to you that we are as good as the ‘Philfppinos and therefore entitled to real postal savings banks? Did it ever occur to you that it is entirely your fault, not Morgan’s, that we havn’t safe and sound banks? Did it ever occur to you and your kind that you are Anancial asses? Bankers know what they want and know how to get it. They get into politics and thus enact laws in their favor. Through politics these bankers filch from you horny handed sons of toil 62 billlone of wealth. If you workers should ask the present capitalist legislators to pass laws in favor of toilers you would be jeered hy politicians and bankers, as you should be, because present legislators weren’t elected to represent you. Jf you workers were to ask your government to print and loan money to yourselves and to farmers on your lands and houses, the very best of security, that would be “paternalism,” and the nation would go to the eternal damnation bow-w-owe and the cow8 give skimmed milk. Of course it it not paternalism for the government to give money to the banks on watered stock without return. Sure nd, Mike. The bankers are busy before and after congress meets, while you workers keep your nose to the grindstone. You don’t need bankers anymore than you need bloodsuckers cm your body. You workers outnumber the capitaliets twenty to one and can vote to have things coming your way, the way of the working class. Will you do it? DeAnition of a Banker. “What ls a banker?” repeated the old gentleman with a fierce mustache and a suspicion of flre in his eye. “A banker, sir, is a kind-hearted Person who is willing to lend you $100 provided YOU Put UP 2200 security, with the understanding that if you default on interest or principal he can seize your collateral and sacrifice it to pay what you owe him. He is also willing to take care of any surplus funds you may have, and he will not give you any security whatsoever, nor will he pay YOU any interest if he can avoid it, and then only if it is a savings account that is not subject to check. Sometimes he will allow you interest on monthly balances providin% they run rather large. “He insists that you are committing a crime to ask fbr your money that lies in his bank in a time of money stringency, but he thinks it is all right to send hiu messengers around to another bank that is the subject of a mm and furnish them the ready cash which he denies you. “At present you may have a good many thousands o! dollars with your banker, but he thinks he is doing you a favor if he casrhes your check for $100 by paying out currency. He thinks it is all right for him to hoard cash, but he thinks the person who hoards in a stocking is committing a public offense. If you draw your money out of a stocking and turn it over to the banker, he will decide whether he will pay you back in cash or clearing house certificates. A banker ie a person who never howls till his ox is gored and then he howls good and loud.” 63 NEW YORK PItI&. INDEX ’ Preface ......................................... 1 High Prices and Waste of Competition. ............... 2 A.Modern Crime ................................. 4 Illustration .................................... 5 34,000,000,000 Wasted. ........................... 6 Inventions and Unemployment. ..................... 8 An Important Admission .......................... 9 Hero Worship .................................. .ll Tramps, Vagrants, Hoboes ........................ .12 Illustration .................................... .13 Enemies of Humanity ............................ .15 The Land Question ............................... .I9 Railroads ..................................... ..2 0 He Built the Road. .............................. .25 Railroad Regulation ............................. .27 Public Ownership ............................... .30 DoYou Know Why?...............................3 2 Whitlock and His Unsolved Problems. ............... .33 The Class Struggle .............................. .39 Mister World Enjoying Himself (Illustration) ........ .42 Illustration .................................... .4 2 Why Nations Do Not Disarm. ...................... .43 Jack London’s Talk to Soldiers. .................... .43 .How to Hustle for Socialism. ...................... .44 Roosevelt Exposes Socialism ...................... .50 Title Deeds to Land by Herbert Spencer ............. .51 Banking and Buncombe .......................... .60 Postal Savings Banks ............................ .62 New Books and Price List ....................... .65-66 THREE NEW BOOKS By Chas. Lincoln Phifk Associate Editor of The Appeal to Reasori In addition to my own booklets, I am publishing and distributing t1.e following three booklets : ccQuis and Tis” ccPush. Philosophy” ccPop Weasel” These new books by Phifer are sizzlers-so hot that they must be handled with tongs and asbestos. Sample copies at 10 cents each. Larger quantities quoted below. Send all orders for these books to W. F. FUES, Box 66, Station “ Jji’,” Toledo, Ohio. PRICES: “fEsa;d Mules, ” also “Monkzys‘ 6~~o~~r$;e “Lions and Lambs, Farming,” “Heads and Hands,” “Roosevelt Exposes Socialism, ” “Bees and Butteflies,” “Quis and Tis,” “Push Philosophy, ” “Pop Weasel,” etc., at all newsdealers. Single copy, locents; eight copies, 50cents; 20 copies, $1.00; 40 copies, $2.00; 50 copies, $2.50; 100 copies, $4.00; 250 copies, $9.90; 1,000 copies, $30.00. (On all books sent to Foreign Countries, add 10 per cent. to above prices.) All books sent by mail at purchaser’s risk. ’ Send 2-cent stamp for full information regarding my system of distributing these books to every voter in your town or city without cost to you. Send all orders direct to the Author W. F. RIES, Box 66, Station “I!,” Toledo, 0. HAVE YOU REAb “Men and Mules” “Monkeys and Moukeyettes” “Lions and Lambs”
- r “Co-operative Farming”
-.. .;7 L “Heads and Hauds” ~>:.“*R; oosevelt Exposes Socialism” ” . ‘..., “Bees and Butterflies” “Quis and Tis” “Push Philosophy” YPop Weasel” These books expose Socialism properly. They form a serieslike a first, second, third, fourth and fifth reader, designed to follow in order, vet each is complete within itself. They are designed especially for a “H~z~~e-t~-Hous~” distribution. More than a million copies sold in five months. These books have aroused the nation. They are the “Uncle Tom’s Cabin” of the co-operative movement. Everyone from President to ward-heeler is discussing them. (Ten cents brings you a sample of any book I publish) A new book now in preparation SEE PRICES ON THlRD COVER PAGE Send all orders direct to the author W. F. RIES Box 66, Station LgF’y TOLEDO, OHIO